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Wage Peace - Disrupt War

Strategic, bold, direct and discursive action to disrupt militarism in Australia and our region.

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          • SAS absorbed toxic US military culture
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      • Tactical Disruption Works
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      • Land Forces – A Killer of an Expo
      • Facilitating Exports: The Global Supply Chain and Landforces Brisbane
    • dlf 21
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      • E6 Jangan Bunuh Kami Lagi / Stop Killing Us: West Papua Part 2
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  • Stop Arming Israel
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    • Stop Arming Israel
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      • What’s Marand got to do with it?
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    • Arms Embargo Now!
      • Nth Qld tungsten burns in Palestine
      • Harms Dealers: Thales in partnership with Israel Aerospace and Elbit.

Blog

Nth Qld Tungsten in Palestine

Tungsten from Mt Carbine mine far north Queensland has been co-opted by US manufacturer Elmet Technologies which manufacture tungsten cubes for fragmentation bombs made by Israeli weapons company Elbit systems. The tungsten is used to manufacture tiny cube shaped shrapnel for devastating injuries and death to Palestinian civilians, including countless children.


North Queensland people converge on Mt Carbine tungsten mine over US Department of Defence deal for war profits.

Monday 25th of November 2024 – MEDIA ALERT

On Saturday the 30th of November peace activists and groups from across Far North Queensland will converge on the Mt Carbine tungsten mine for a non-violent direct action and 15-minute silent peace vigil remembering the more than 15,000 Palestinian children killed in Gaza since October last year.

  • What: World peace vigil – 15 minutes silence
  • When: Saturday the 30th of November 4:30pm-5:30pm
  • Where: EQ Resources Mt Carbine mine front gate on Mulligan Hwy
  • Who: Peace activists and groups from across far north Queensland several of whom are available for interviews over the phone or on the day.

This convergence was inspired by a front-page story published in ‘The Express’, a local Mareeba newspaper on the 11th of September, titled ‘Mt Carbine tungsten deal critical to world security’.  

Our action is intended to create more awareness in the local community and around the world about the origins of unethical products of war just like the tungsten exported from Mt Carbine. These products end up in the bodies of innocent civilians including children and used for maximum destruction of people’s homes and infrastructure in war crime atrocities such as those witnessed in Gaza by Israel.

The peace vigil is in response to the mine owner EQ Resources finalising a deal with the US Department of Defence in August that would secure these minerals ‘critical’ to weapons manufacturing and war profits for the life of the mine. The deal was done using the ‘US Defence Production Act (Title III)’ classifying Queensland minerals as a ‘US domestic source’. This enables the company to take advantage of grants and funding streams from the US government amounting to billions of dollars to expand the mine over the next decade with the US as exclusive customer, and under the guise of ‘world security’.

It is understood by participants that the mine provides local job opportunities and that ethical tungsten products do exist such as those used in medical, renewable technologies and aerospace industries. However, the issue we seek to highlight is that the majority are military applications that are fundamentally wrong and cannot be attributed to ‘world security’. They are designed to destroy ‘other’ human beings and property for war profits at the whim of American military might.

The wolfram ore concentrate from Mt Carbine will be sent to US tungsten and molybdenum fabricator Elmet technologies where it will be turned into warhead parts, tank parts and ‘tungsten cubes’ used to inflict horrific injuries on civilians including children in Gaza for well over a decade. The mysterious organ-shredding and bone-smashing cubes have been documented in reports by Amnesty International since 2009. Less than a week ago, on the 20th of November, Dr Mohammed Tahir an orthopaedic surgeon in Gaza found one of these 3mm tungsten shrapnel cubes that had penetrated his patient’s body causing permanent paralysis of his right arm.

In another recent case, on the 15th of November 2024, Australian citizen Ranem Abu Izneid studying dentistry near Jerusalem in a non-combat zone, had her dormitory shot to pieces by the Israeli Occupational Forces using what Dr Ameriah Fakhouri from the Palestinian Australian and New Zealand Medical Association (PANZMA) described as ‘a type of exploding bullet’.  This bullet caused shrapnel to lodge in Ranem’s face, neck and chest causing her to lose her right eye. The investigation into this incident may find the shrapnel still lodged in Ranem’s face contains tungsten, as found in similar cases.

Our message at the world peace vigil will be clear – that the Mt Carbine mine is: 

“Tungsten – source of American war profits, of warheads, tanks and shrapnel cubes, and of Israeli war crimes”.


Media contacts: Daniel Jones, Mount Molloy business owner 0472515962 Media contact: Alan Isherwood, Free Palestine Tablelands 0493 539 550 Media contact: Geoff Holland, Free Palestine Far North Queensland 0499658764

Guardian Article

Israeli weapons packed with shrapnel causing devastating injuries to children in Gaza, doctors

Chris McGreal Thu 11 Jul 2024 21.00 AEST


This article first appeared in the Guardian with research by Chris McGreal. We reprint it here as an organising tool. Please visit the original article for more pictures and advertising and such. And pay for the Guardian! It’s very helpful research

Surgeons who worked in European and al-Aqsa hospitals describe extensive wounds caused by ‘fragmentation’ shrapnel experts say is designed to maximize casualties.

Israeli-made weapons designed to spray high levels of shrapnel are causing horrific injuries to civilians in Gaza and disproportionately harming children, foreign surgeons who worked in the territory in recent months have told the Guardian.

The doctors say many of the deaths, amputations and life changing wounds to children they have treated came from the firing of missiles and shells – in areas crowded with civilians – packed with additional metal designed to fragment into tiny pieces of shrapnel.

Volunteer doctors at two Gaza hospitals said that a majority of their operations were on children hit by small pieces of shrapnel that leave barely discernible entry wounds but create extensive destruction inside the body. Amnesty International has said that the weapons appear designed to maximise casualties.

Feroze Sidhwa, a trauma surgeon from California, worked at the European hospital in southern Gaza in April.

“About half of the injuries I took care of were in young kids. We saw a lot of so-called splinter injuries that were very, very small to the point that you easily missed them while examining a patient. Much, much smaller than anything I’ve seen before but they caused tremendous damage on the inside,” he said.

Weapons experts said the shrapnel and wounds are consistent with Israeli-made weapons designed to create large numbers of casualties unlike more conventional weapons used to destroy buildings. The experts question why they are being fired into areas packed with civilians.

X-ray of the damage done to a 15-year-old’s leg by fragmentation shrapnel, some of which is still lodged in the bone. The surgeon said: “The shrapnel entered from the left into the tibia bone and exited through the fibula to the right of the image. Our word for very smashed bone is ‘comminuted’. Bone comminution does not get greater than this.” The surgeon has put in a stainless steel plate screwed into the tibia. Photograph: The Guardian

The Guardian spoke to six foreign doctors who have worked at two hospitals in Gaza, the European and al-Aqsa, in the last three months. All of them described encountering extensive wounds caused by “fragmentation” weapons, which they said have contributed to alarming rates of amputations since the war began. They said the injuries were seen in adults and children but that the damage done was likely to be more severe to younger bodies.

“Children are more vulnerable to any penetrating injury because they have smaller bodies. Their vital parts are smaller and easier to disrupt. When children have lacerated blood vessels, their blood vessels are already so small it’s very hard to put them back together. The artery that feeds the leg, the femoral artery, is only the thickness of a noodle in a small child. It’s very, very small. So repairing it and keeping the kid’s limb attached to them is very difficult,” Sidhwa said.

Mark Perlmutter, an orthopaedic surgeon from North Carolina, worked at the same hospital as Sidhwa.

“By far the most common wounds are one or two millimetre entry and exit wounds,” he said.

“X-rays showed demolished bones with a pinhole wound on one side, a pinhole on the other, and a bone that looks like a tractor trailer drove over it. The children we operated on, most of them had these small entrance and exit points.”

Perlmutter said children hit by multiple pieces of tiny shards often died and many of those who survived lost limbs.

“Most of the kids that survived had neurologic injuries and vascular injuries, a major cause of amputation. The blood vessels or the nerves get hit, and they come in a day later and the leg is dead or the arm is dead,” he said.

Sanjay Adusumilli⁩, an Australian surgeon who worked at the al-Aqsa hospital in central Gaza in April, recovered shrapnel made up of small metal cubes about three millimetres wide while operating on a young boy. He described wounds from fragmentation weapons distinguished by the shards of shrapnel destroying bone and organs while leaving just a scratch on the skin.

Explosives experts who reviewed pictures of the shrapnel and the doctors’ descriptions of the wounds said they were consistent with bombs and shells fitted with a “fragmentation sleeve” around the explosive warhead in order to maximise casualties. Their use has also been documented in past Israeli offensives in Gaza.

Trevor Ball, a former US army explosive ordnance disposal technician, said the explosive sprays out tungsten cubes and ball bearings that are far more lethal than the blast itself.

“These balls and cubes are the main fragmentation effect from these munitions, with the munition casing providing a much smaller portion of the fragmentation effect. Most traditional artillery rounds and bombs rely on the munition casing itself rather than added fragmentation liners,” he said.

Cubes removed from a child by Sanjay Adusumilli, an Australian surgeon working at the al-Aqsa hospital in central Gaza. Photograph: Obtained by The Guardian

Ball said the metal cubes recovered by Adusumilli are typically found in Israeli-made weapons such as certain types of Spike missiles fired from drones. He said the doctors’ accounts of tiny entry wounds are also consistent with glide bombs and tank rounds fitted with fragmentation sleeves such as the M329 APAM shell, which is designed to penetrate buildings, and the M339 round which its manufacturer, Elbit Systems of Haifa, describes as “highly lethal against dismounted infantry”.

Some of the weapons are designed to penetrate buildings and kill everyone within the walls. But when they are dropped onto streets or among tents, there is no such containment.

“The issue comes with how these small munitions are being employed,” said Ball. “Even a relatively small munition employed in a crowded space, especially a space with little to no protection against fragmentation, such as a refugee camp with tents, can lead to significant deaths and injuries.”

Amnesty International first identified ammunition packed with the metal cubes used in Spike missiles in Gaza in 2009.

“They appear designed to cause maximum injury and, in some respects, seem to be a more sophisticated version of the ball-bearings or nails and bolts which armed groups often pack into crude rockets and suicide bombs,” Amnesty said in a report at the time.

Ball said that weapons fitted with fragmentation sleeves are “relatively small munitions” compared with the bombs that have a wide blast area and have damaged or destroyed more than half the buildings in Gaza. But because they are packed with additional metal, they are very deadly in the immediate vicinity. The shrapnel from a Spike missile typically kills and severely wounds over a 20-metre (65-ft) radius.

Another weapons expert, who declined to be named because he sometimes works for the US government, questioned the use of such weapons in areas of Gaza crowded with civilians.

“The claim is that these weapons are more precise and limit casualties to a smaller area. But when they are fired into areas with high concentrations of civilians living in the open with nowhere to shelter, the military knows that most of the casualties will be those civilians,” he said.

Busy street scene with cars, vans and a young man pulling a cart. A large banner with the Palestinian flag stands above buildings in the background

‘I panic when my phone rings’: the plight of Palestinians in Jordan

Read more

In response to questions about the use of fragmentation weapons in areas with concentrations of civilians, the Israel Defense Forces said that military commanders are required “to consider the various means of warfare that are equally capable of achieving a defined military objective, and to choose the means that is expected to cause the least incidental damage under the circumstances.

“The IDF makes various efforts to reduce harm to civilians to the extent feasible in the operational circumstances ruling at the time of the strike,” it said.

“The IDF reviews targets before strikes and chooses the proper munition in accordance with operational and humanitarian considerations, taking into account an assessment of the relevant structural and geographical features of the target, the target’s environment, possible effects on nearby civilians, critical infrastructure in the vicinity, and more.”

The UN children’s agency, Unicef has said that “staggering” numbers of children have been wounded in Israel’s assault on Gaza. The United Nations estimates that Israel has killed more than 38,000 people in Gaza in the present war of which at least 8,000 are confirmed to be children, although the actual figure is likely to be much higher. Tens of thousands have been wounded.

In June, the UN added Israel to a list of states committing violations against children during conflict, describing the scale of killing in Gaza as “an unprecedented scale and intensity of grave violations against children”, principally by Israeli forces.

Many of the cases recalled by the surgeons involved children severely injured when missiles landed in or near areas where hundreds of thousands of Palestinians are living in tents after being driven from their homes by the Israeli assault.

An X-ray of a man with tiny pieces of shrapnel (the white specks) in his body. Photograph: The Guardian

Perlmutter described repeatedly encountering similar wounds.

“Most of our patients were under 16,” he said. “The exit wound is only a couple millimetres big. The entrance wound is that big or smaller. But you can see it is extremely high velocity because of the damage it does on the inside. When you have multiple small fragments travelling at insane speeds, it does soft tissue damage that far outweighs the size of the fragment.”

Adusumilli⁩ described treating a six-year-old boy who arrived at the hospital after an Israeli missile strike close to the tent where his family was living after fleeing their home under Israeli bombardment. The surgeon said the child had pinhole wounds that gave no indication of the scale of the damage beneath the skin.

“I had to open his abdomen and chest. He had lacerations to his lung, to his heart, and holes throughout his intestine. We had to repair everything. He was lucky that there was a bed in the intensive care unit. But, despite that, that young boy died two days later,” he said.

An American emergency room doctor now working in central Gaza, who did not want to be named for fear of jeopardising his work there, said that medics continue to treat deeply penetrating wounds created by fragmentation shards. The doctor said he had just worked on a child who suffered wounds to his heart and major blood vessels, and a build up of blood between his ribs and lungs that made it difficult to breathe.

Sidhwa said that “about half of the patients that we took care of were children”. He kept notes on several, including a nine year-old girl, Jouri, who was severely injured by shards of shrapnel in an air strike on Rafah.

“We found Jouri dying of sepsis in a corner. We took her to the operating room and found that both of her buttocks had been completely flayed open. The lowest bone in her pelvis was actually exposed to the skin. These wounds were covered in maggots. Her left leg she was missing a big chunk of the the muscles on the front and back of the leg, and then about two inches of her femur. The bone in the leg was just gone,” he said.

Sidhwa said doctors were able to save Jouri’s life and treat septic shock. But in order to save what remained of her leg, the surgeons shortened it during repeated operations.

The problem, said Sidhwa, is that Jouri will need constant care for years to come and she’s unlikely to find it in Gaza.

“She needs advanced surgical intervention every one to two years years as she grows to bring her left femur back to the length it needs to be to match her right leg, otherwise walking will be impossible,” he said.

“If she does not get out of Gaza, if she survives at all, she will be permanently and completely crippled.”

Adusumilli⁩ said fragmentation weapons resulted in high numbers of amputations among children who survived.

“It was unbelievable the number of amputations we had to do, especially on children, he said. “The option you’ve got to save their life is to amputate their leg or their hands or their arms. It was a constant flow of amputations every day.”

Adusumilli operated on a seven year-old girl who was hit by shrapnel from a missile that landed near her family’s tent.

Men holding their dead children in shouds

A 15-year-old malnourished boy with a pinhole wound in the middle of his chest. Photograph: The Guardian

“She came in with her left arm completely blown off. Her family brought the arm in wrapped in a towel and in a bag. She had shrapnel injuries to her abdomen so I had to open up her abdomen and control the bleeding. She ended up having her left arm amputated,” he said.

“She survived but the reason I remember her is because as I was rushing into the operating theatre, she reminded me of my own daughter and it sort of it was very difficult to accept emotionally.”

Unicef estimated that in the first 10 weeks of the conflict alone about 1,000 children lost one or both of their legs to amputations.

The doctors said that many of the limbs could be saved in more normal circumstances but that shortages of medicines and operating theatres limited surgeons to carrying out emergency procedures to save lives. Some children endured amputations without anaesthetic or painkillers afterwards which hindered their recovery alongside the challenges of rampant infections because of unsanitary conditions and lack of antibiotics.

Adusumilli said that, as a result, some children saved on the operating table died later when they could have been saved in different conditions.

“The sad part is that you do what you can to try and help these kids. But at the end of the day, the fact that the hospital is so overcrowded and doesn’t have the resources in intensive care, they just end up dying later on.”

https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/jul/11/israeli-weapons-shrapnel-children-gaza-injured

______________________________________________________________________

EQ Resources Ltd

CODE OF CONDUCT

5.2. Good Corporate Citizenship

5.2.1. The Company recognizes that it operates in an environment which impacts on various interests in the community. In pursuing corporate responsibility, the Company will:

(a) always consider the environmental, sociological and economic impacts of our operations;

https://eqresources.com.au/site/pdf/a2bad77f-08d1-4b27-9016-e645ab29e866/Code-of-Conduct.pdf

________________________________________________________________________

Doctor operating in Gaza finds ‘tungsten cube’ used in Israeli explosive weapons

22 Nov 2024

Dr Mohammad Tahir, a London-based orthopaedic and peripheral nerve surgeon on a medical mission in Gaza, said he found a small tungsten cube “designed to explode and cause maximum damage” while operating on a Palestinian man injured by an Israeli explosive weapon.

The small cube had severed a nerve in the victim’s arm, causing likely permanent paralysis, according to Dr Tahir.

An unidentified weapon packed with unusual “cube-shaped shrapnel” has killed or wounded Palestinian civilians in the Gaza war, according to an Amnesty International report from February.

___________________________________________________________________________

#ProtectProtest

Repression of activism is escalating

The past two years have seen laws passed in NSW, Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia specifically aimed at criminalising civil society actors who engage in protest to protect forests, waterways and our climate. Undemocratic legislation has given police even more power to close down democratic space. Policing in Western Australia and NSW has been particularly repressive, with activists facing counter-terror police squads and inflated charges for ordinary, non violent protest activity.

The repression of activism we are facing is everybody’s business. When people are charged with ‘conspiracy to commit an offence’ just for thinking about protesting, and then face a year of ‘non association’ conditions, meaning that they are prohibited from communicating with their friends or community, we have a crisis of repression on our hands.

Now Wage Peace has been targeted by the NSW police, after we disrupted a weapons dealers luxury cruise. Read our story here:

The protest at King’s Wharf, Gadigal country

Our friends disrupted the arms dealers at the cash-for-ministerial-contact schmooze fest on the eve of the Indo Pacific weapons expo in Gadi / Sydney. 

Banners were held. Truths were told. Bodies were used to stop the AMDA events managers from whacking and pushing people. #StopArmingIsrael #StopBombingGaza. Stop taking tens of billions a year from Australian taxpayers and giving it to private weapons corporations. We need everything we’ve got right now for #EarthcareNotWarfare.

 

Statement from Wage Peace

Regarding the resistance that was live streamed from Wage Peace social media accounts on the night of Monday the 6th of November 2023:

The action on Monday night was a non harmful act of resistance to the weapons trade, which is currently profiting from the siege on Gaza. The intention of the action was to draw attention to the fact that there are corporations and individuals in this world who profit from the sale of weapons, and thus have a vested interest in the continuation and escalation of armed conflicts around the world. The scale of the destruction currently being wrought on Palestinian people warrants a response from the general public, and our response was to draw attention to the corporate actors who benefit from genocide, being obliged as they are to maximise returns for their shareholders.

We non-violently disrupted a group of arms dealers as they boarded their dinner cruise, organized in connection with the Indo-Pacific Naval Exposition. This involved standing in their path as they attempted to board the Starship Sydney. Many of the arms dealers being prevented from boarding their cruise became aggressive toward us, and can be seen on the live stream videos pushing, shoving, and sometimes punching our people. Some of our people had to leave the protest space out of concern for their safety, including one person who was experiencing dizziness after being punched in the head. Before the passengers began boarding, some of the cruise organisers approached the people with megaphones and hit/ripped them out of their hands. Our people did not retaliate, because the intention of the gathering was to take a principled stance against genocide and call for a ceasefire. We went to King Street Wharf to bring our message directly to the employees of the companies that arm the Israeli Defence Forces.

At the time of writing, eight people have been arrested and charged in connection with this act of non-violent resistance, and have been given five charges, most notably unlawful assembly. An element of the unlawful assembly charge is the intent to use violence. At the time of arrest we were holding banners and chanting – ordinary protest activity. This comes as part of an ongoing and deliberate strategy by the NSW police to conflate non-compliance and disobedience with the intention to cause harm. We emphatically reject the accusation of intent to harm. In our resistance we impose only two rules on our allies and associates, the first of which is to do no physical harm to living beings.  This is evidenced in our invitation to Disrupt Land Forces 2021 and 2022, and our invitation to Disrupt Sea Forces 2023, all of which are available on our website. Furthermore, once we were formally issued a move on direction, everyone moved on and left the area.

The NSW Police are out of control, and their response to civil resistance is disproportionate, heavy handed, and a total waste of policing resources.

Strategic Incapacitation

Policing of disruptive protest follows a pattern. The pattern begins with the characterization of protest activity as ‘unlawful’ and ‘violent’, through the conflation of an act of non-compliance with an intent to cause harm. There is no such thing as ‘unlawful protest’. Individuals might break laws while at a protest, but the act of protest itself is never unlawful. The growing use of the concept of ‘unlawful protest’ and the construction of ‘non-compliance’ as ‘violence’ creates space for unwarranted arrests. Once arrested, people are treated as though absolutely guilty. Police routinely apply inflated charges. With the inflated charges come onerous bail conditions and increased surveillance of civil society actors. Their strategy is to lay serious, inflated charges, then use the seriousness of the charges to impose bail conditions which effectively prevent people from participating in political activity. They then continuously adjourn the case to keep people on those bail conditions for as long as possible. The intention behind this strategy is to take people out of social movements, and break the network of relationships that sustain social movements. This is achieved through excessive non-association conditions, restrictions on a person’s movement and where they may reside, excessive reporting conditions that prevent people from travelling to participate in resistance, and heavy surveillance and targeted policing of individuals they have identified as participants.

We assert that the violence caused by the defence contracts held by the companies represented on the cruise that we disrupted is the issue that needs to be addressed. The Australian Defence Export Office has issued 322 export permits to Israel in the last six years, and weapons companies around the world continue to flout human rights agreements by arming Israel with full knowledge of the atrocities their products will be used to commit. Our act of resistance was a refusal to stand by as a genocide unfolds before our eyes.

We assert that the NSW police are more interested in protecting the property rights than human rights. Either those of the Palestinian people being indiscriminately bombed by a military power, or those of the people on this continent who seek to resist and disrupt state sanctioned violence in whatever ways they have available to them.  

The police are currently deploying sophisticated equipment, technologies, and practices to protect arms dealers from the people calling for a ceasefire.

We assert that the real violence has been, and continues to be, perpetrated by the global weapons trade, and the security forces who protect it. We are, and have always been, a non-violent network committed to a world where everyone has the ability to love, be loved, be safe, be respected, and be free. From Western Sydney to West Papua to the West Bank, we demand a ceasefire.

 

… [Read more] #ProtectProtest

Wage Peace News

Wage Peace actions, philosophy, history and future plans can be found in these pages. Find out what we’ve been up to, what we’re planning and who we’re doing it with.

All our work is oriented towards #EarthCareNotWarfare, using the politics and practice of nonviolence. We welcome new peace and climate justice activists.

Peace In Papua

Peace In Papua is an international campaign to end foreign support for Indonesian state violence in West Papua. Solidarity and peace activists in Australia, Germany, Korea, the US and more are taking action to end arms sales and joint training programs with Indonesian military and police.

The civil resistance in West Papua is steadfast, creative, diverse and growing. Wage Peace is working closely with organisers in West Papua towards our shared goal of ending Indonesian state violence in the occupied territory. Papuans are calling for the withdrawal of Indonesian troops and the start of peaceful dialogue. We are calling for a ban on military exports to Indonesia and a suspension of joint military and police training exercises between Australia and Indonesia.

We have campaigned for demilitarisation in West Papua for over two years already. We have run multiple actions and interventions at Australian Federal Police and SAS facilities, and at the factories and offices of arms dealers selling to Indonesia. Rheinmetall, Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Thales, Elbit and EOS have all had a taste of our disruptive tactics. Wage Peace is now taking this campaign global, with a new logo and a new name: Peace in Papua.

You can support the life-affirming work of grassroots activists for Peace in Papua right here:

Wage Peace actions for Peace In Papua at arms dealers, military bases and Australian Federal Police stations

NIOA – Arming the Intervention

NIOA is the major supplier of guns and bullets to Australian police

NIOA manufactures bullets at their munitions factory in Benalla, Victoria, while their HQ is a large weapons facility at Brisbane Airport. The company recently opened a Melbourne office opposite Victoria Barracks in Coventry St, South Melbourne. NIOA is in partnership with global weapons giants Rheinmetall (Germany) and Herstal Group (Belgium). Now they have started making bombs and missiles as well.

Inside the Benalla Factory

NIOA represents in excess of 50 international suppliers including household names like, Federal and CCI ammunition, Ruger, Anschutz, Leupold, Bushnell, Colt, Glock and many more. Nonetheless, NIOA promotes itself as a model Queensland citizen. The company was awarded Prime Contractor of the Year and Land Business of the Year in Defence Connects – Australian Defence Industry Awards. NIOA is the major sponsor of this years Landforces Weapons Expo in Brisbane Qld.

NIOA AND THE MILITARISATION OF THE POLICE: #StopArmingKillers

Starting in 2017 the company branched out from the commercial gun market into military and law enforcement, supplying Australian and New Zealand police with 70,000 Glock pistols and providing the military with their latest infantry weapon – an automatic grenade launcher.

The Glock pistols are maintained through the Brisbane facility and the company also supplies 70 per cent of ammunition to Australian police. According to their website, by 2022 “Over one billion rounds have been supplied by NIOA to the Australian Law Enforcement, Military and Sporting markets”.

NIOA formed a partnership with Winchester (owned by Belgian conglomerate Herstal Group) in 2021. Together the two companies dominate the law enforcement market. In 2021 the two companies successfully tendered for the bulk of the armaments supply to the NT police, worth a total of $1.8 million. 

The year of writing (2022) marks 15 years since the beginning of the NT Intervention. There have been 500 deaths in custody since the Royal Commission into Deaths in Custody report was handed down in 1991. First Nations families across Australia and communities in the NT have repeatedly called for the implementation of the Royal Commission’s recommendations, an end to the imprisonment of children and the repeal of the repressive measures of the Intervention. This colony was founded on racist violence, with police and military guns. To this day, institutional racist violence is killing First Nations people. Wage Peace is calling on NIOA to end its business with Australian (or any) police. Make something better than bullets. Stop arming the Intervention.

Current contract for 5 years of ammunition

Contract for guns (one of many)

WHO IS NIOA?

NIOA is part of the rapidly developing weapons industry in Brisbane and they have benefited financially from being part of the Global Supply Chain Program.

This Queensland company has evolved from a small regional ammunition retailer to Australia’s largest privately owned firearms and munitions supplier. New partnerships with companies like Rheinmetall and US Winchester have been encouraged and financially supported by state and federal governments, bringing NIOA into the global supply chain. NIOA also exercises political influence through the board of SIFA (Shooting Industry Foundation of Australia), and through familial ties. NIOA CEO Robert Nioa is also the son-in-law of federal member for Kennedy Bob Katter. NIOA has donated at least $160,000 to Katter’s Australian Party (KAP), and $20,000 to the Liberal Democrats.

NIOA does not file accounts with the corporate regulator but a sign of its growth comes from the Austender website, which shows various NIOA companies have sold firearms and ammunition, war weapons, vehicles and other military equipment worth $1.2 billion to the Commonwealth government since 2012 . Partner company to NIOA, Rheinmetall, won a massive defence contract in 2018 worth $5.2 billion after meeting Barnaby Joyce at NIOA’s headquarters.

The government defence export strategy and the increasing militarisation of police forces is advantageous for  NIOA. The company has had a productive association with Christopher Pyne, who in January 2018, while Minister for Defence, announced the award of a $100 million Federal government contract by the Commonwealth under the LAND 17-1C.2 Future Artillery Ammunition program. In 2020 Pyne was welcomed as the chairman of the company’s inaugural advisory board. The revolving door between the Defence Ministry and weapons corporations has seen Kim Beasely, Brendan Nelson and Christopher Pyne all take up lucrative leadership positions with the very weapons companies they awarded contracts to while in parliament.

NIOA BLOCKADED IN BRISBANE

Activists blockaded the gates of weapons manufacturer NIOA in Meanjin on Jagera and Turribal land on 17th of June in solidarity with the POLICE CEASEFIRE call by Yuendumu elders. NIOA is a Brisbane-based weapons manufacturer and the majority supplier of guns and bullets to Australian police.

Activists spoke to the connection between continuing state violence, the militarisation of police forces and the development of the Australian weapons industry. Speakers drew the connection between extreme frontier violence by militarised police in the previous two centuries of colonisation and the current presence of militarised police across remote communities. They listened to the plea from the heart of Australia from the elders of Yuendumu: “Enough violence! No more guns in remote communities.”

Nioa is the major sponsor of the upcoming Land Forces weapons exhibition, on in Brisbane in October.

Nioa have used the police weapons contracts to develop their business, becoming a major player in the weapons industry, including the emerging missile program. Since 2012 NIOA has supplied Australian and New Zealand police with 70,000 Glock pistols, which are maintained through the Brisbane facility.

NIOA BULLET FACTORY at BENALLA, VICTORIA, BLOCKADED

Today the NIOA munitions factory in Benalla, (Victoria) has been blockaded by activists from Wage Peace, in solidarity with the call by Yuendumu elder Jampijinpa, Ned Hargraves, for a police ceasefire. Benalla is in Yorta Yorta territory. NIOA bullets are manufactured at the Australian government munitions plant in Benalla, two hours north of Melbourne.

Activists spoke about the violence of colonisation, which has continued to today in the institutional racist violence that is killing First Nations people. Wage Peace is calling on NIOA to end its business with Australian (or any) police. Make something better than bullets. “Stop arming the Intervention.”

Wage Peace’s actions today are in solidarity with the powerful Karrinjarla Muwajarri initiative by elders in Yuendumu, a Walpiri community north of Alice Springs. Walpiri elders are calling for a police ceasefire – no more guns on their lands – along with a raft of judicial and social measures to increase their safety and respect self-determination.“

We demand our self-determination, our rightful decision-making authority, and our resources to be restored to us… What we are calling for is Karrinjarla Muwajarri, a police ceasefire.”

NIOA is a Brisbane-based weapons manufacturer and the majority supplier of guns and bullets to Australian police. Since 2012 NIOA has supplied Australian and New Zealand police with 70,000 Glock pistols, NIOA also supplies 70 per cent of ammunition to Australian police.

BLOCKADED!

Frontier Wars Ceremonies

2022 Frontier Wars Ceremony Poster

Wage Peace supports the creation of truth telling events remembering the Frontier Wars. We want to promote  ‘people to people’ ceremonies, because they are important.

Each year since 2016, a special event is held in Gimuy, Cairns. The Gimuy Walubara Yidindji with local non-indigenous supporters, friends and residents, tell the stories of the Frontier Wars with dance, music and poetry   Our focus is on remembering the first battles in the Gimuy (Cairns) tropical rainforest and coastal areas, only 145 years ago.

Download the Lest We Forget the Frontier Wars banner artwork  

Elder Gudju Gudju Fourmile

“The frontier stories are important for healing. The frontier stories event has become part of our event calendar, it’s very important for us as a people to heal the wounds of the past and secure the future. We have Yidindji elders here today who have horror stories of beheadings and shootings at places like Skeleton and Davies Creeks, yet here we are, wanting to make things right.

“Many tribal nations have a story to tell, some are funny and then there are those which are difficult. There is a danger these stories will go unheard for most Australians.

“It’s easy to be overshadowed by COVID for example, but looking into the mirror as a country and working out who we are as a nation, is paramount – if we can’t sort it out there will always be a sense of unfinished business here. Frontier Wars is a tough one for us as Indigenous Australians, but in saying that this is a wonderful opportunity to build a new Australia. We’d like to encourage everyone to take part, even if one person is inspired we have done our part.”

 

Murrumu of Walubara

“Events like the Frontier Wars commemoration are a great reminder there needs to be formalised agreements or treaties between the Commonwealth of Australia and the various tribal nations on the continent called Australia,” Murrumu said.

“The Yidindji Nation is currently building that bridge which means people can be free of the feeling of guilt or shame, or sadness from things that have happened in the past. This is what reconciliation will look like in my view – the simplicity in it all is that it should be built on the greatest foundation, which is love for one another.”

Sovereign Yidindji Government Minister for Foreign Affairs & Trade, Murrumu of Walubara.

People to People Ceremonies

People to people ceremonies are held around this Great South Land. Other nations have also been exploring Frontier Wars history and truth telling events such as the following photos show, held in Canberra in previous years.

  • Ceremonies occur each year at the Myall creek site between the Wirrayaraay people – a clan of the Gamillaroi people and local non-indigenous people. A beautiful memorial has been built at the site of the Myall Creek Massacre, a place to walk through the landscape, to sit and reflect comes to life each year with a local ceremony.
  • Ceremony occurs in Brisbane at the Dundali memorial on the 5th January in Post Office Square. First Nations people from Dundali’s tribe and people who live around on Jaggera Country meet there and remember the public hanging of Dundali who had been fighting for his people during the Frontier Wars when he was captured, incarcerated for months and then killed – a sign to all that the British were capable and willing to rain great terror and appalling violence. 
  • A ceremony occurs at Liffey Falls in Northern Tasmania during June each year to remember the Aboriginal Wars which included a massacre at that place.
  • The ceremony to commemorate the Battle of One Tree Hill
  • Other ceremonies occur now on 26th January and on other days specific to local people

The Gimuy Ceremony

“We think the Gimuy ceremony is special,” says Margaret Pestorius, a non-Indigenous participant at the ceremonies. “It is a collaboration of friends; a ‘people to people’ ceremony. It is a gift from us to those for whom we have great respect, the Gimuy Walubara Yidindji; but also an acknowledgement of the violence inflicted by OUR people, and their many, many years of resistance.”

“We conduct it on ANZAC eve – because that is the time for remembering the disgusting nature of war and the courageous resistance of people seeking to protect their families and their Land. On ANZAC eve we can transform the meaning of ‘Lest We Forget’.

“We start with the story telling of the Frontier. And we perform a lament in response. The lament we play has no words. It is a cry from our hearts and our bodies as we dance and play music. We then are led in song by First Nations performers from neighbouring tribes or from across the seas. And we process to the great shields of created by the artist Paul Bong, a Yidindji man, which are installed in the centre of Gimuy, Cairns.”

 

Telling the Stories at Anzac Time: Lest We Forget

“Why can’t Australians think about resisting war and Australia’s increasing militarism? Is it related to the silence and denial we have wrapped around the wars of invasion on this continent? I believe we must tell the stories of the Frontier – best we can. We must tell the stories of the Land. And we must tell the stories of the many families and tribes and nations that suffered the atrocities of colonising warfare. We need to build these real events in our minds: So we remember how war hurts people for generations to come; so we act decisively to stop it. Never again!”

“We have noticed that when we tell frontier war stories in partnership with Aboriginal people around the time of  ‘ANZAC Day’, we also jam a spoke into the pervasive militarism that continues here. We disturb the manufactured ‘national narrative’ that overseas wars created this nation.” 

Laying wreath

 

Video Resources: Build a People to People Ceremony

VIDEO: Frontier Wars Ceremony 2016
VIDEO: Frontier Wars Ceremony 2016
Frontier wars ceremony 2018
VIDEO: Gimuy Frontier wars ceremony 2018
 
VIDEO: How Peace Pilgrims organised a Frontier Wars Ceremony in Cairns
VIDEO: How Peace Pilgrims organised a Frontier Wars Ceremony in Cairns
VIDEO: Remembering the Frontier Wars | A David Bradbury Film
VIDEO: Remembering the Frontier Wars | A David Bradbury Film
 

 


Grants, Banners, Creations and Designs

We can send designs for creating beautiful banners. We can help you organise your people to people ceremony. We have small grants available to assist in creating Frontier Wars events.

What can we do?

  • Offer your assistance to First Nations people in organising. Then do what you can. We may be able you help you think about next steps. Call us on 0403214422.
  • Or invite your non-indigenous allies to help you create a people to people ceremony. We are happy to try an assist 🙂
  • Create conversations between first nations people and non-indigenous allies about what you might do together.
  • Invite people to help. Many people want to create and participate in these ceremonies
  • Assist people to create songs and dances and music and performances that reflect the stories of the Frontier Wars – and their resistance and survival.
  • Promote pre-Anzac frontier war storytelling locally
  • Organise a Frontier Wars event in your community

wreathIn addition you might start participating in the local ANZAC day ceremony

  • Make a Frontier Wars wreath out of local materials and lay it on your war memorial on Anzac Day
  • Contact us 0403214422 and we can put you in touch with someone who can help with the creation of locally made wreaths
  • Lay a wreath in the middle of the ‘Welcome to Country’ at your RSL event. 

 

Colonial Frontier Massacres, Australia, 1780 to 1930

massacre map
University of Newcastle

See also ABC news article about the map: New map plots massacres of aboriginal people in frontier wars ABC 5 Jul 2017


black history
 

Boeing is OUT OF CONTROL

Stop the Weapons Trade at Boeing Brisbane

Higher hi-tech will not provide security

Following the publication of a book about our resistance at the US Pine Gap military base, Brisbane’s Peace Pilgrims, have played a renewed and enraged lament – this time at Boeing Defence Brisbane. We addressed Boeing’s workers who are creating a weaponised drone here in Brisbane. It complements their ‘Aircraft for #WarCrimes’ suite.

When a company profits from war and violence, it is in their interest to pressure for more war. We can assume Boeing is in the ministers’ offices via the Covid ‘recovery’ team making sure they get their chomp.

We already know that the current head of Boeing Aust. was once a Defence Minister who handed Boeing a $7bn contract against departmental wishes.

The world, OUR world is facing catastrophic climate change and the workers at Boeing are designing and building aircraft and systems for war crimes, not for good.

Security, right now, means addressing the pandemic, the climate disaster and the ecological crisis.

Boeing is out of control. Their business does not make the world safer. It makes it pointlessly hi-tech, and explicitly more dangerous.

Boeing aircraft and technology are used for war crimes around the world. For example,

Boeing is selling direct to the dictator Duterte for use against his own people.
A Boeing helicopter was used to fire the missiles in the leaked “collateral murder” video.
Boeing guidance systems were used to destroy civilian infrastructure in Yemen.

The new drone is competing to be the preferred “wingman” drone chosen by the US for its failing, expensive Lockheed Martin F-35 fighter jet. The drone’s AI (Artificial Intelligence) is likely to involve lethal use – taking humanity out of the loop for killing.  Here’s Boeing’s take on this:

“…Boeing is driving the safe innovation and integration of autonomy to maximize human potential”.

Loyal Wingman is ‘not remotely piloted’. It’s autonomous. It’s supposed to ‘help both manned and unmanned mid-air.’ But, reading between the lines, it is related to lethal combat: a Lethal Autonomous Weapons System [LAWS].

Where is the conversation about ethics in the public domain or academic sphere? Are universities now businesses doing work for the weapons industry? It appears that, for these workers, it’s just hi-tech, interesting intellectual, decentralised, problem solving. But artificial intelligence takes real lives.

And with the US central to the decision making, we can be sure that Australian money is flowing to US corporations.


QUOTE FROM SAFEGROUND REPORT ON KILLER ROBOTS “Australian Out of the Loop”
‘Alarmingly, …[Australian defence have assured] options to invest in ‘autonomous combat aircraft.'[1] In January 2020, Defence announced the ‘Loyal Wingman’ project. In a partnership with Boeing, 3 prototypes of fully autonomous aircraft are to be built[2].This sees Australia skirting this troubling fine line.The government will contribute AU$40 million to ‘Loyal Wingman’[3].The project clearly constitutes part of the plan stated in the Force Structure Review Plan, that “new and existing aircraft will combine with remotely piloted and autonomous systems to provide increased lethality and survivability.”[4] ‘


Other References
[1] Department of Defence, 2020 Force Structure Review Plan, 2020, Commonwealth of Australia: Canberra, p. 53
[2] E. Levick, ‘Boeing’s Autonomous Fighter Jet Will Fly Over the Australian Outback’, IEE Spectrum, 2 Jan 2020, https://spectrum.ieee.org/aerospace/military/boeings-autonomous-fighter-jet-will-fly-over-the-australian-outback, (accessed 6January 2020).
[3] E Levick, ‘Boeings Autonomous Fighter Jet’, IEEE Spectrum, 2020
[4] Department of Defence, 2020 Force Structure Review Plan, 2020, Commonwealth of Australia: Canberra, p. 51
Dr Brendan Nelson and the Super Hornets


Here are some banner designs for you to make your own action.

 


Text of the Performance Poem

Music for crowd collective speech accompanied by violin, guitar and electrified guitar.

Boeing is out of control!  [repeat]
Boeing is out of control!
Music – wait
music
We are here today because Boeing engineers death [repeat all]
Boeing builds bombs and missiles.
Boeing builds fighters and bombers and drones.
Death is at the core of Boeing’s business
Boeing is out of control.
Music– wait
We are here today because Boeing builds aircraft for war crimes.
The attack helicopter that delivered the missiles /
which killed journalists and children in the ‘Collateral Murder’ video – /
that was Boeing’s
Civilian infrastructure was destroyed in Yemen,
using guidance systems made by Boeing
Boeing is out of control.
music
We are here today because Boeing profits from war and violence.
Boeing pressures governments for more war and more violence
Boeing is out of control.
music
We are here today because Boeing is building weaponised drones in Brisbane.
Drones have killed hundreds of children; and thousands of civilians.
Boeing is building drones with artificial intelligence for lethal use.
Boeing is taking humanity out of the loop.
Boeing is out of control.
music
We are here today because Boeing is a US company siphoning money out of Australia.
Boeing coerces our parliament, to prop-up its business with cash
The growth of domestic weapons industries comes at the cost of human lives.
Boeing builds aircraft for warcrimes
Boeing engineers death,
Boeing is out of control.
music

 

 

Wage Peace Submission to the AUKUS Inquiry, August 2026

Introduction

Wage Peace makes this submission to the AUKUS Inquiry with a focus on the weapons exports industry. We focus here today on the role of the AUKUS arrangements in allowing weapons export industry growth, influence, and enmeshment in the Australian economy resulting in dangerous harm.

Wage Peace look for new opportunities to involve ordinary people in campaigning and we seek to change the fundamental values that this society is based on. We act for earthcare not warfare.

We acknowledge the genocide of First Nations Peoples that occurred across this Great South Land. We recognise their survival and authority. And we intend to restore right relationships.

EarthCareNotWarfare

We consider AUKUS to be an economic program that reduces regulatory frameworks that were formerly in place – even precariously –  to contain military exports. We argue that AUKUS loosens and removes regulatory frameworks, making the export of weapons to a wide range of nation states and other entities easier and more accessible.  Australia’s compliant relationship with the US and its military forces is the foundation for Aukus. The US has an appalling record of destruction and harm.

We understand that earlier versions of AUKUS arrangements have been in place for many years. As the Weapons Exports Industry has expanded in Australia, we observe that it encountered constraints in regulatory frameworks in both the US and Australia. These constraints were not acceptable to industry corporations because they constrained profit and growth opportunities.

We propose that AUKUS sits most importantly in the economic sphere, as a business or trade agreement. We think this element should be constantly stressed and made primary in almost all political discourses to enable widespread understanding of the nature of the agreement. 

We suggest that AUKUS is an extension of the Weapons Exports Industry Program set up in 2017 by Prime Minister Turnbull and Defence Minister Pyne. And as a “Peace Movement” looking to dismantle, abolish, remove, scrap Aukus – it needs to be recognised as such. This submission is therefore somewhat addressed to other parties in the peace movement.

Weapons Exports Program 2017

The weapons exports industry was redesigned around 2016 under Defence Minister Christopher Pyne, who is currently a Nioa Board Advisor . The pathway for the new integrated design was prefigured by figures such as Lockheed Martin Australia President Kim Beazley (US Ambassador and and governor of Western Australia) with Boeing Australia President Brendan Nelson.

Michelle Fahy (Declassified Australia, 11 Dec 2022) traces Beazley setting up the model of embedding industry insiders inside government functions. Pyne’s 2016–17 architecture essentially codified as departmental structure what Beazley had already been doing informally as an individual operator. Seccombe, M. (“Brendan Nelson’s gravy sandwich,” 7am, 27 Jan 2020) tells the story of Nelson awarding a massive $8bn contract to Boeing against the advice of both RAAF officials and Department of defense officials. Nelson then gradually makes his way into Boeing’s upper echelons of control.

All these people were so-called defence ministers who later positioned themselves at the centre of the Australian weapons exports industry. They designed the system, then they advise on how to make it work for corporations. They serve the corporations for their own enrichment. 

Indicators that the export system they set up in 2017 (announced by Turnbull) is an economic system, and not a defence or “security” system include the following:

  • Explicit, numeric export and growth targets, not defence-need targets
  • Sales driven by market diversification, not alliance or self-defence logic
  • Policy language centred on industrial competitiveness and “sovereign capability” as an economic asset

The 2017 announcement by Turnbull was explicitly aimed at increasing weapons exports and trades. Australia would move up to being in the “top 10 weapons exporters”. As soon as he became Defence Minister, Pyne visited Israel and UAE repeatedly to explore what sort of infrastructure was required. He immediately beefed up funding and restructured the Defence Exports Office (DEO).

A “top 10 exporter” goal is a trade-competitiveness benchmark, similar to targets set for wine or beef exports: It is not derived from Australia’s own strategic threat assessment.

At that time we noticed that Government-issued media releases frequently indicated the above. Sometimes there were four paragraphs in media releases from the Department at that time. The first claimed the allocation of funding was for industry development – for exports and trade. The second paragraph would refer to developing capabilities. The third was for jobs which is also a trade and economic capability. And the fourth paragraph might briefly mention defence. (See for example: Turnbull Government, “Launch of job-creating Defence Export Strategy,” Defence Ministers/Export Finance Australia, 29 Jan 2018; Price, M. & Birmingham, S., “Hundreds of jobs to flow from first Defence Export Facility loan,” Defence Ministers, 13 Aug 2019; Conroy, P., “More than $3.4 million in grants for Australian Defence Industry Manufacturing,” Defence Ministers, 6 Feb 2024.)

$270bn was allocated to boost the industry – an average of $27bn per year over 10 years. We presume annual spending was lower in the first few years (likely under $20bn per year), then rose to roughly $40bn per year, and in this last phase potentially to around $50bn per year. We are now in year 8, and what we see now is an allocation of about $50bn per year for the foundational infrastructure and continued direct and indirect subsidisation of the weapons exports industry.

 Aukus Pillar 2 opens whole new arenas of weapons production. The Submarines have been slated at about $10bn a year over 30 years. Facilitation of submarine supply chain infrastructure is just a fifth of the total spend. 

As the Submarine Program is rolled out, it more clearly resembles the Lockheed Martin’s F35 exports program: diversified supply chains, weapons factories in every city,  facilitated think tanks and institutional justification of the program (but no actual defence product), with the capture of state bureaucracies, the ALP and sequential governments. (Note ex defence minister Stephen Smiths role as the Aukus focussed Perth USAsia Centre- government funded business facilitation related to submarine and other Aukus business exports).

In fact Morrison’s signing of the AUKUS agreement marks a shift regarding the submarines  from DEFENCE purpose to EXPORTS SUPPLY CHAIN and NUCLEAR WASTE purpose.  The purpose of ” submarines ” changed.  The Acquisition was a no longer for defence but to obfuscate other activity.

It should be noted that this implicates every admiral, and naval captain involved in the fake ‘acquisition’. Because they know the real purpose. They know that no submarine is forthcoming.  For them personally,  presumably the purpose is for those men to have “careers” inside the ADF and afterwards in the weapons industry. We see already this month someone in WA who has gone “too far” in the game and is being court marshalled for being too obvious with the state capture.

Fake acquisition is also at the heart of the F35 program. The purpose of the F35s was always contested. At the time of acquisition, it was claimed they are unsuitable for Australia because they only fly 1200km without requiring refueling. There are only 7 refueling  tankers — and they are not very stealthy. F35s can’t even fly to Norfolk Island! F35s require 5 hours maintenance for every hour that they are flown. Random parts fail randomly and need to be resupplied from just in time supply chains and warehouses across the world. They don’t appear to be very useful if you were actually defending  5 major cities from an attack.

But we do know that F35s are suitable for  Israel to bomb and expand US power in the so-called Middle East. Business is good with an ongoing genocide in Palestine and ethnic cleansing in Southern Lebanon. Even this week we have reports of dozens of parts going from Australia to Israel to keep the F35s bombing. Yes that is an EXPORT. 

.Australia makes parts specially for the Israeli F35s.  Ferra is the only maker of those parts IN THE WORLD. And it makes parts for US F35 too — and for Canada’s f35s and the Netherlands. Dozens of them. It’s an export program.

The Submarine program, is well underway in terms of building the foundation for exports.Unfortunately for the complicity officers, the Submarine project is incredibly OBVIOUSLY not for Australian defence.  We propose that we stop speaking of it as a defence project. But as a weapons parts supply project to boost failing US production (Hardaker, D. 2023 https://www.crikey.com.au/topic/sinking-the-aukus-myths/ )

An Economy Based on Weapons Exports

We argue that AUKUS is an ECONOMIC program located in the Military Industrial Complex and should be approached and referred to as such. We propose that organisations associated with the Peace Movement cease referring to it as a “defence program”. In order to address it and remove it from the society, we must understand its nature and purpose.

Aukus removes regulatory mechanisms that were in place in the US and in Australia to produce the  the ultimate objectives of economic enmeshment, control, and profit. Dangerous genocide and ecological collapse are also inevitable outcomes. 

Here are a couple of examples of the removal of regulatory frameworks in the USA and in Australia. They are well documented by others.

AUKUS, for example:

  • (in the US) exempts Australia and the UK from the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) licensing requirements, to ease transfer of controlled goods and technology from the US to Australia and the UK. This exemption is subject to Australia and the UK implementing a comparable export control framework and reciprocating with similar export exemptions.
  • (in Australia) facilitates technology transfer between AUKUS nations by creating an AUKUS licence-free environment. The DTC Amendment Act removes the red tape in defence trade and streamlines Australia’s export control regime by introducing an export control framework that is comparable to that of the US.

AUKUS sits in the heart of harmful predatory capitalism. Its industries demand as few impediments as possible.

Economy of the Occupation to an Economy of Genocide

Albanese in her 2025 report “Economy of the occupation to economy of genocide” (Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur) sets out the following elements that make an “economy”:

  • A profit-generating system, not just a set of transactions. This amounts to an integrated apparatus where military industry, technology, finance, and academia are bound into the infrastructure of the occupation/genocide.
  • Corporate actors as economic agents with obligations, not passive bystanders. Associated companies profit as decision-making actors, creating legal exposure and potential corporate/executive responsibility.
  • Measurable financial gain as evidence of the system’s logic-financial upside correlates with violence, indicating a self-reinforcing profit structure.

We know that with business as the driving force there is a separation from ethics and responsibility. We can easily see the outcome of this in Gaza where no one weapons corporation, or government, or university, or weapons enmeshed think tank has been able to step and stop a genocide. As Pope Leo has noted in his recent book:  “Here the question is not merely efficiency of new tools, but also the risk that technology, detached from ethics and responsibility, will render decisions about life and death more rapid and impersonal, and will present the use of force as an immediate and viable option”. (Leo XIV, Magnifica Humanitas (15 May 2026), chap. 5, “The Culture of Power and the Civilization of Love,” nn. 182–228. 

The weapons export industry production arenas have expanded in recent years. The AUKUS “Pillar 2” arenas are examples of just the most recent production arenas following the 20 year long “pilot” F35 program and the initial period of the easy and foundational items: armoured steel, big diesel trucks, munitions. “Production arenas” for subsequent products have been constantly expanding using the F-35 production system as a model.

A Dozen Production Arenas

New production arenas include land, sea, air and cyber domains. Aukus Pillar 2 explicitly refers to funding for  the development of later stage and more complex production arenas. It’s certainly gone far beyond Land Sea and Air acquisitions:  One way of categorising may be as follows:

  • Lockheed Martin F-35 program
  • Submarines
  • Missiles and rockets
  • Drones (weaponised and surveillance/ land sea air)
  • Armoured trucks
  • Ships and planes (two massive arenas)
  • Surveillance and related technologies
  • Bombs and explosives
  • Weapons systems interfaces
  • Radar and communications technology
  • AI and data infrastructure and use.
  • Development of bases and attack-oriented infrastructure designed for American use

This is not an exhaustive list.

Wage Peace proposes that all of these arenas are primarily weapons exports industry arenas. They serve the weapons exports industry corporations first and foremost in terms of the flow of government money.

Some products make end use with horrific harms. F35s were used in Gaza and ARE used in Lebanon and in Iran to kill people and destroy eco systems with massive contamination outcomes.  Many of the arenas such as “bombs”  require a genocide to boost profitability. For example before the Ukraine war and the Gaza genocide, 155mm shells were stockpiled. These artillery ammunition stockpiles were almost entire used up to completely and unnecessarily pulverise Gaza. Companies such as Rheinmetall and Noia now make money from replacing those stockpiles.  

Furthermore, those same companies require fake wars and conflicts to provide cover for their business model. An example of this is the “China Threat Narrative” which now permeates mainstream media due to the activity of pentagon and weapons industry corporation dominated think-tanks such as the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.  The China Threat Narrative contributes to the discursive and cultural conditions which provide the justification for the massive weapons industry spend.

We would say their ACTUAL business model is:

  • get massive subsidies and injections of funds from the tax base to build infrastructure
  • build a set of institutions arguing for war to justify the building of institutions that support the weapons export industry and the spending of millions.
  • build pointless expensive polluting products
  • sell them
  • blow up the products with extensive human and ecological harm
  • shelve the ones that unfortunately didn’t really work like various ships (for example: the Hunter Class frigates) and helicopters (tigers and taipans).

Australia’s weapons-exports program is sustained by a system of institutional facilitation designed to endure across changing governments.

  • A dedicated Defence Exports Office and aligned Defence bureaucracies that steer export facilitation over time.
  • Senior ADF generals and high-ranking officers positioned to define which weapons programs can be plausibly argued as “defence”, providing public legitimacy while their predominant orientation is to serve export-market priorities.
  • Pro‑US / pro‑Israel think-tanks and selected media/academic figures are used to promote a defence rationale for production that is actually primarily export-oriented.
  • Expanded defence R&D funding (via for example DSTO) diverting resources away from civilian research bodies like CSIRO.
  • Deepening university-weapons industry partnerships, including new or expanded corporate links (examples Boeing-linked activity at UQ, BAE at Adelaide university), and broader “weapons/space washing” inside university programs.

These institutional ties have been described in Australia and in the International sphere by William Hartung (https://open.spotify.com/episode/5P6mLeFxLDghaUuCAYPGeT), Michelle Fahy, Andrew Feinstein (Feinstein, A., Holden, P., & Pace, B. (2011). The shadow world: Inside the global arms trade. Hamish Hamilton), with campaigns by Campaign Against the Arms Trade UK and World Beyond War, USA. Each of these authors and campaigns have described the global military industrial complex in similar ways to this submission.

Material Outcomes

1. Genocide

2. The flow up huge amounts of money to elites, billionaires, corporations and private equity companies.

3. Ecocide and ecological destruction.

4. A crackdown on dissent and civic activity by ordinary people opposing genocide.

Eight years into this weapons-exports program, the outcomes are concrete: weapons and components flow into an active genocide. The list of provisions includes armoured steel (Bisalloy), optically-automated weaponised turrets (EOS), drone parts, chemicals for explosives, drone defence systems and various F‑35 parts.  Public money is channelled from the Australian tax base into weapons companies and private equity, consolidating wealth upward in the hands of mega finance and billionaires. Ecological contamination increases, and Australian land is converted into infrastructure for attack-oriented basing and weapons storage, including the hosting of U.S. assets such as B‑52 bombers and US nuclear submarines in preparation for future geopolitical wars. US weapons bases.

The enforced building of this industry requires the repression and submission of ordinary Australian people who actively oppose the transfer of wealth and/or the genocide. Since the build up of this industry people have increasingly opposed it. Members of our networks have been arrested, silenced, raided, beaten, pepper sprayed, punched, threatened, vilified, arrested, charged. In most part for holding banners, leafleting and chanting in locations where weapons are being made.

Conclusion

The economic view enables more widespread choosing of targets so that ordinary people can be involved in a broad scale politics. The economic view enables us to identify and go after the “wraiths”: those powerful, potentially harmful actors whose agency is masked by scale, complexity, and layers of institutions—so you encounter their effects more than their faces.

In 2023, David Hardaker wrote a series of articles for Crikey about the influence of the weapons industry in the initiation of AUKUS. He traced the undue – soft power – influence of Crosby Textor (Hardaker, D https://www.crikey.com.au/topic/sinking-the-aukus-myths/  Hardaker, D. https://www.crikey.com.au/2023/06/02/ct-group-crosby-textor-uk-prime-ministers/). Crosby Textor’s CEO was Yaron Finkelstein who became Morrison’s private secretary. Mark Textor – worked for the nuclear industry in the 90s.  (Note that Finkelstein now works in Jillian Segal’s office in the same sort of position as her private “advisor”.) 

Wraith-like creatures that inhabit this world include

  • Nuclear corporations. Their influence is often indirect and hard to trace: they supposedly do not have business in Australia — but there influence is at the heart of AUKUS. They are operationalising project plans and gaining influence. Their harms such as ecological disaster, waste burdens, safety trade-offs) can be dispersed across time and geography, so the actor behind it is hard to “see” day to day. But their industry is dead without a waste dump and the some State Actors want to renew nuclear weapons.
  • Private equity — the actors are invisible. Control is frequently exercised through ownership structures rather than public-facing leadership. Decision-making can happen behind boards, holding companies, and management contracts, while the visible front is a brand, a CEO, or a subsidiary. The incentives (short time horizons, extraction, risk shifting) can be felt without a clear person to point to. They are seemingly so far from the problem.
  • Billionaire psychopaths  (ultra-wealthy ideological actors) — they can shape outcomes without showing up as formal decision-makers: funding think tanks, political campaigns, media ecosystems, “philanthropic” vehicles, and strategic litigation. Their presence is real in the effects (policy drift, agenda-setting), but the hand behind it can remain obscured.

We believe the economic view is necessary to allow ordinary people to understand the complexity of the arrangements. We are an organisation that believes that ordinary people will act, when ordinary people understand clearly what is happening and face the truth. Without the economic view we have considerable confusion. The myths of war, violence and the place of men in the “protection of society” predominate the discourse even when people know “the submarines will never arrive”. 

When we face up to the corporations, we can see that the current version of the ALP is not going to change its stance. Its people are enmeshed in this industry economically and institutionally. But with the confusion laid on by discourses of ‘defence’ we remain in an organisational quagmire. It will require a whole of movement response to this 10 year plan regarding institutionalisation of the weapons exports industry and the accompanying militarisation of our society.   


Appendix: 

View of Ordinary People: Stacy on Twitter

There are people everywhere who see this perspective. As an acknowledment to the many ordinary people – each incredibly thoughtful and creeative – on twitter and instagram and taking action at the weapons dealers and confronting the weapons exhibitions and standing up to the universities, we include this long tweet from stacy. Thanks to all of them. Ordinary people talking from this perspective but ignored by the politicians and those focussed on Labor as an outcome. 

To the Canberra elites milking AUKUS for every dollar:

You lot have been cashing in hard. Former PMs, defence ministers, staffers, admirals all spinning through the revolving door into lobbying firms, boards, and advisory gigs. Pyne & Partners, TG Public Affairs, CMAX, Bondi Partners. Morrison advising AUKUS-linked funds. Beazley, Conroy, Fitzgibbon, Hockey, Sinodinos, Binskin at BAE, the list goes on. Defence contracts, consulting fees, board seats. Heaps of money flowing while the rest of us get the bill for $368 billion.

You think this gravy train runs forever under your control. It doesn’t.

Section 219 of the US NDAA locks Israeli defence tech, IP, supply chains and data fusion deeper into the American systems that AUKUS forces Australia to plug into. Pillar II tech AI, autonomy, cyber, sensors, networks gets shaped upstream in Washington and Tel Aviv. Your “sovereign industry participation” becomes secondary. Australian firms and the lobbyists who feed off them get pushed down the priority list when the big decisions on standards, production and data sit with a US executive agent pushing Israeli integration.

You lose real choice. The systems Australia buys and co-develops will carry foreign dependencies you don’t control. Updates, sustainment, export rules, operational priorities decided elsewhere. Your clients get locked into someone else’s industrial base. The consulting and lobbying work that relies on Canberra having leverage starts drying up once that leverage is gone.

Patterns scream it. Same as the submarines themselves Australia pays, America and Britain decide the terms, and local influence shrinks. Now it spreads to the software and industrial layers. The money you make off “maximising Australian participation” evaporates when participation is no longer Australian to maximise.

Keep cheering the “partnership.” Just don’t act surprised when the decisions that hit your pockets get made without you. You sold the sovereignty. Now the bill is coming due

Stacy

Stop the F35s: a mobilisation in three waves

The three wave mobilisation model:

Between October 25 and April 26 Wage Peace tried a new thing, a big thing. We ran a three wave mobilisation against weapons makers (harms dealers) across this continent. Each wave spanned several states. Each wave saw weapons factories blockaded, MPs picketed, rallies, workshops, marches and lots of time and space for building community.

Defence Minister Richard Marles was targeted again and again for his belligerent support for the US war machine. Lock down actions ran at weapons makers Marand, Lockheed Martin, Nupress, Ferra, BAE, Boeing, Leonardo and Rosebank. Rallies, marches, banner drops, workshops, public meetings and shared meals gathered our people and honed our skills.

Our activism relies on our community. Online and in person activist skill shares are an essential component of our organising, and are always offered free of charge. We feed and shelter everybody, for free, during every mobilisation.

We have a way to go to end the genocide in Gaza, to decolonise this continent and to end Empire. But. In terms of growing and nurturing a care-based community of resistance, we are winning.

Wave 1: Cross-Continental Antimilitarist Actions to Stop F35s

The First Wave of our Weapons Out mobilisation included 18 anti-militarist actions in 5 states. The launch was a redecoration of the giant US eagle statue in front of Parliament House in Canberra, a potent symbol of Australia’s obeisance to the United States’ military. The activists involved are still before the court. We think they should win an award.

People blockaded F-35 suppliers Marand in Geelong, Boeing in Adelaide, HTA in Brisbane (pictured), Thales in Darwin and Leonardo in Naarm (pictured) with a frog and several clowns.

Wave 1 Gallery: October 2025

Wave 2: Muloobinba / Newcastle: F35 Ground Zero

Wave 2 was hosted by Demilitarise Newcastle, a fabulous team of committed antimilitarists. Muloobinba is where Lockheed Martin and BAE store F35 parts, it is where the RAAF Williamtown base ships the parts for export, and is the proposed site for ‘Astro Aerolab’, an entirely made up name for a new, purpose-built military industrial complex where the US can offshore its weapons production.

Of course, we visited all of these sites. We cycled around them, held banners, made speeches and climbed on top of Lockheed and Nupress, key F35 players.

Rising Tide has just happened, and we were able to connect there to press home that COAL TO WEAPONS IS NOT A JUST TRANSITION. The Hunter Valley needs to get out of coal and into future-friendly economics. Instead, Newcastle is gearing towards a weapons based economy. Resisting militarism and defending earth are the same thing, which is why we called this wave EARTHCARE NOT WARFARE.

The Nupress Story

Nupress in Newcastle got the shock of their lives when they arrived at their weapons factory at 6am to find two humans dancing on the roof.

A large banner reading NUPRESS ARMS GENOCIDE hung from the roof as the pair waved a Palestine flag to the beat.

A small crowd of supporters had locked the gates and hung banners across the front fence, supporting the roof-occupiers with snacks and cheers.

Eventually police with ladders and a cherry picker arrested the pair and charged them with dancing on a weapons factory (aka trespass or something). Harms dealer blocked = WIN!!!

Wave 2 Gallery

Wave 3: the export process

Our 3 waves mobilisation zeroed in on the supply chain for Lockheed Martin’s genocide jets, the F35s. These planes can’t fly without Australian parts. If we can end F35 exports from Australia we can ground the US and Israeli fleets, saving thousands of lives.  

During Wave 3 groups across the continent called out Thai Air for carrying F35 parts to Israel. We called out the Defence Department officials whose hands sign the export permits. We called out the manufacturers profiting from genocide. We made a huge stir in Thailand, where Thai Air’s complicity was unknown, and our campaign expanded to include Thailand, the US and Canada, causing the company to quake for a few weeks there.

We can’t stop and won’t stop acting for peace in our world. If you missed out on these mobilisations, make sure you get to the next one! There are meaningful roles for everyone.

Wave 3 Gallery

PAVING THE WAY TO A NUCLEAR WASTE DUMP IN CENTRAL AUSTRALIA

A DECLASSIFIED AUSTRALIA SPECIAL INVESTIGATION – Part Two

It hasn’t received final approval yet, but already the company behind a proposed Central Australian toxic waste dump is bragging that the dump will take nuclear waste from “our strategic international partners”.

The company, Tellus Holdings, was revealed a month ago in Declassified Australia to be working with Amentum, a controversial US military contractor, to develop what had originally been described as a “salt mine” into a massive underground nuclear waste dump.

Tellus now says it envisions the Chandler salt mine and waste dump to be “the world’s first multinational deep geological repository for hazardous chemical and low-level nuclear waste”.

The nuclear waste dump, Tellus tells us, will take “international low-level radioactive waste [from] our strategic international partners”.

Tellus Holdings already operates Australia’s first geological repository for low-level radioactive waste at Sandy Ridge, 240 kilometres northwest of Kalgoorlie, which became operational in 2021.

Now, with advice from one of the US’s largest military contractors – which also manages a 400-strong workforce in Alice Springs providing support services to the US’s Pine Gap satellite surveillance base – Tellus is confident that its proposed waste dump will become a reality.

No approval for nuclear waste, at first

Tellus’s proposed Chandler Project received approval in 2017 for its environmental impact assessment (EIA) by the Northern Territory Environmental Protection Authority.

The EIA included approval for the permanent storage of so-called Naturally Occurring Radioactive Materials (NORM) up to exemption levels – the lowest level on the National Directory for Radiation Protection’s waste classification scheme.

NORM results from activities such as burning coal, making and using fertilisers, oil and gas production, and mineral sands and uranium mining.

The facility does not have approval to store any other forms of radioactive waste.

Despite this, Tellus has consistently described the prospective facility as approved to accept low-level radioactive waste; a category of radioactive waste that is well above the NORM exemption levels in Australia’s waste classification scheme.

The planned massive deep underground international nuclear waste dump depicted here – along with a seperate 200 bed accommodation precinct, storage areas, warehouses, a transport interchange, plus an airport and an upgraded road network, lying atop a web of transport tunnels and excavated storage caverns over 800m deep – is to be located near the Aboriginal community of Titjikala, among the red sand dunes of the Simpson Desert, near the world famous Chambers Pillar and the ancient Finke River, 120 kms south of Alice Springs in Central Australia. (Image: Tellus Holdings)

The Northern Territory EPA’s assessment report describes the project components as including construction of an underground salt mine at a depth of up to 860 metres, permanent hazardous waste disposal vaults within mined-out salt caverns, temporary above-ground storage facilities for hazardous waste, and associated infrastructure like haul roads, access roads, and salt stockpiles.

From ‘no nuclear waste’ to nuclear waste ‘permission’

In its submission to the NT Environmental Protection Authority on the Chandler Project’s EIA, the Central Land Council (CLC), a statutory body under the Aboriginal Land Rights Act responsible for representing Aboriginal people in Central Australia, made clear the concerns of native title holders about the Chandler Project:

“Native title claimants have consistently expressed concern to the CLC about dangerous, poisonous and toxic waste being destined for permanent storage on their country and the issue of radioactive and nuclear waste has been raised at every meeting with the company.

“The company has repeatedly and consistently dealt with this concern by confirming that radioactive and nuclear waste will not be accepted at the repository”.

In 2021, Tellus made fanfare of voluntarily choosing to shelve its ‘major project status’ designation with the Northern Territory government in order to not pre-empt negotiations with native title holders.

By 2023, there had been a change to what materials the waste dump would be taking and what materials the traditional owners would now be accepting on their land.

In November 2023 after a decade of on-and-off consultation and two years after Tellus CEO Nate Smith described negotiations as “a bit stuck”, the company obtained permission from Southern Arrernte Traditional Owners for the construction of the Chandler nuclear waste dump on their Country.

Traditional owners entered into an agreement with Tellus as native title holders under the Native Title Act 1993. Under the Act, native title holders do not have veto rights over projects such as Chandler, but instead have the mere right to negotiate the terms of an agreement upon which the project may proceed.

Native title holders entered into an agreement under circumstances where the median weekly personal income in Titjikala is just $273, compared to $936 for the NT as a whole, and where successive racist government policies such as compulsory income management make many Indigenous communities heavily dependent on mining royalties.

There are a number of approvals and licences for the facility which remain outstanding, including its principal tenure Mineral Lease 30612. A final investment decision to allow the waste dump to proceed may still be years away.

Gaining trust through ‘disruption’

Tellus Holdings claims to have cracked the code in obtaining ‘social licence’ from local communities for hazardous waste storage facilities where Australian governments have for decades failed, approaching the issue with what Tellus describes as a “disruptor attitude”.

CEO Nate Smith has addressed the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s annual conference on what is known within the nuclear industry as “consent-based siting”, and was the only international participant at the 2024 US Department of Energy’s “success in siting” roundtable.

“Tellus’s agreement in October 2023 with the Titjikala traditional owner group near Alice Springs… demonstrates social licence can be achieved for complex and potentially controversial projects if the right foundations are laid”, says Tellus’s submission to a parliamentary inquiry into nuclear power generation in Australia.

Key to achieving social licence, it claims, is building trust through engagement. In a half-hour appearance before the same parliamentary inquiry, on 17 December 2024, the Tellus CEO used the word “trust” seventeen times.

Likening frontline Aboriginal communities to children refusing to eat their vegetables, the Tellus CEO described his company’s community engagement ethos:

“[I]f you go out and announce, ‘This is what’s going to happen,’ and then you engage, it’s like telling your kids, ‘You’re going to eat those green beans, and now I’m going to tell you why they’re good.’ No. Tell them why they’re good first. You have to build the trust first”.

“Trust”, a Tellus webpage proclaims, “is the bedrock of our business”. This trust doesn’t appear to extend to fully informing native title holders of the waste streams, including from nuclear submarines and other military sources, that Tellus looks to be seeking to secure for its prospective Chandler Project.

The massive underground nuclear waste dump planned for Chandler near the Aboriginal community of Titjikala south of Alice Springs in Central Australia, with its extensive 800m-deep storage chambers, dwarfs the Sandy Ridge low-level nuclear waste dump presently operating in Western Australia. See next image for comparison. (Photo: Tellus Holdings)

Tellus Holdings & AUKUS

Tellus Holdings bills the Chandler dump as “supporting Australia’s green energy transition” by providing a place to permanently store hazardous by-products associated with critical minerals mining.

However, the dump is also likely to become a repository for hydrocarbon wastes and by-products from oil and gas commissioning, as well as the radioactive materials derived from oil and gas extraction processes.

In his many public appearances, Tellus CEO Nate Smith is fond of saying “there is not a power source that exists in the world that doesn’t create massive amounts of low-level radioactive or chemical wastes”.

Smith claims that Tellus is “agnostic” with regards to Australia’s energy mix, though he recently appeared on a panel about “Australia’s nuclear future” convened by ‘Nuclear for Australia’, a pro-nuclear lobby group. Nuclear for Australia is partly funded by Australian millionaire Dick Smith and fronted by teenager Will Shakel, who has links to the Liberal Party.

Tellus’s US advisory partner in the Chandler Project, Amentum Holdings, doesn’t seem to share Tellus’s agnosticism. Offering plenary remarks at the 2025 Waste Management Symposia in Arizona, Amentum’s president for Energy and Environment, Mark Whitney, described nuclear and radioactive waste management as a “major component of our ability to expand global nuclear capacity”.

The Tellus CEO is less shy in telegraphing the role he says Tellus can play in getting the beleaguered AUKUS nuclear submarine program back on track, and is openly making a pitch for his company to receive AUKUS submarine waste.

“Tellus has the only management team in the world, government or private, that has run a successful radioactive waste disposal project end to end… That innovation is here for Australia’s use, and it is a valuable way to de-risk AUKUS or, if we choose, other nuclear program delivery”, he told Coalition and Labor MPs in December 2024.

In contradistinction to skeptical AUKUS commentators, Smith insists that the only thing preventing Australia from hosting nuclear submarines from as early as 2027 is the need for a site to store the nuclear waste they produce.

Fortunately, he says, Tellus’s already-operational Sandy Ridge facility, 240 kms northwest of Kalgoorlie, stands ready to accept the waste. “The near-term issue that’s threatening the AUKUS plan delivery is the low-level [radioactive waste], and that’s already solved so why reinvent the wheel”, Smith told Adelaide’s FIVEAA Radio.

Speaking before the Australian senate inquiry into nuclear power generation in December 2024, Smith told the committee that“it is the low-level radioactive waste, not the high-level radioactive waste, that will be the year-to-year issue in our lifetimes as AUKUS subs, as soon as 2027, and/or future reactors go through standard annual maintenance. I’m here to tell you that Australia already has the capability today to dispose of that at Sandy Ridge”.

The Chandler Project vs Tellus’s Sandy Ridge facility

Tellus’s Sandy Ridge low-level nuclear waste storage facility has been operational since 2021 and is described by the company as Australia’s “first commercial hazardous waste geological repository”.

When Tellus submitted the proposal for its Sandy Ridge facility to Western Australia’s Environmental Protection Authority in 2015, then CEO David van de Merwe “publicly stated the facility would not take nuclear waste and was only looking to take a small volume of medical isotopes”.

The subsurface Sandy Ridge low-level nuclear waste dump presently operating in Western Australia will be dwarfed by the massive deep underground nuclear waste dump planned for Chandler near the Aboriginal community of Titjikala in Central Australia. (Photo: Tellus Holdings)

When Tellus received conditional approval for its Sandy Ridge facility from the WA Environmental Protection Authority in 2017, it was for “non-nuclear low-level radioactive waste”. Seven years later, the current Tellus CEO Nate Smith insists that to overlook Sandy Ridge as a storage facility for low-level AUKUS submarine waste would be to “reinvent the wheel”. Tellus is now lobbying the Department of Defence for permission to store nuclear waste from AUKUS submarines.

Effectively a glorified trench dug into kaolin clay and covered by a dome resembling a bouncy castle, the Sandy Ridge facility cost $80 million AUD to build and is just 30 metres below surface level at its deepest.

Tellus’s Chandler Project, on the other hand, is conservatively projected to cost between $445 – $648 million AUD to construct. The Tellus CEO has said that the construction of the Chandler Project will likely be up to “10 times” the cost of Sandy Ridge.

Waste at the Chandler Project will be stored 860 metres below surface level – 205 metres deeper than New Mexico’s Waste Isolation Pilot Plant, which is used for storing transuranic radioactive waste derived from military sources. Yet Tellus Holdings claims that it intends for the Chandler Project to store low-level nuclear waste, just like Sandy Ridge.

In a significant moment during his appearance before the Parliamentary Inquiry into Nuclear Power Generation in Australia, Nate Smith was asked by the Labor MP Matt Burnell to describe the difference between a low-level nuclear repository and a high-level one.

In answering, Smith proceeded to effectively describe the basic differences between Tellus’s Sandy Ridge facility and its prospective Chandler Project (without naming the Chandler Project):

“What we are [at Sandy Ridge] is a near-surface repository. It’s an open-cut mine where we excavate about 30 metres down into a deep kaolin clay bed, and there’s granite underneath it. What we do is emplace waste in layers, almost like a cake. We compact it, we have a seal, and it sits throughout geological time. That can take low-level radioactive material, and in some cases, in the United States, they’re considering taking intermediate material in those types of facilities.

“To take high-level radioactive waste, you instead need to have a deep geological repository, not an open-cut mine. You have to burrow several hundred metres down into the earth, typically in salt or some hard rock like granite. There, you dispose of it deeper underground. Because of the type of radionuclides, you need additional safety, so that’s why you go deeper.”

Smith’s characterisation of the respective engineering requirements for low-level and high-level radioactive waste repositories echoes a description provided by the Sustainability Directory in a course on the fundamentals of radioactive waste disposal economics:

“Low-level waste (LLW), often composed of contaminated tools, clothing, and equipment, requires relatively straightforward handling and disposal, typically in near-surface facilities.

“Intermediate-level waste (ILW), containing higher concentrations of radioactivity or requiring shielding, often necessitates disposal in deeper repositories. High-level waste (HLW), primarily spent nuclear fuel from reactors or waste from fuel reprocessing, is intensely radioactive and generates heat, demanding robust, long-term isolation solutions like deep geological repositories”.

Tellus is going to the enormous cost and effort of building a new facility ostensibly to store low-level nuclear waste despite already operating such a facility in Western Australia.

The new site will require up to ten times the capital expenditure (before any cost blow-outs) of the existing Sandy Ridge facility, and stands to be vastly more complicated in engineering terms.

It is not clear why Tellus is planning to develop the Chandler facility for low-level nuclear waste storage when the company could, on the face of it, simply expand or replicate its existing Sandy Ridge facility at a much lower cost and with much less effort.

It is difficult to glean a clear answer from Tellus’s available commentary on the project. The following considerations can be made on what sort of hazardous waste may be stored at the Chandler Project, and its relationship to the burgeoning AUKUS military industrial complex.

Dumping the AUKUS waste

The Australian Submarine Agency has admitted that intermediate-level radioactive waste shed by nuclear submarines during routine operational maintenance will be stored in Australia.

The United States now has its hands on its long-coveted Australian naval base to be built at HMAS Stirling on the outskirts of Perth, Western Australia. Here the US and UK will be servicing and maintaining their nuclear powered submarines, and expecting nuclear waste storage to be made available by their friendly ally. (Photo: US Embassy – Canberra)

Eventually, when these submarines are decommissioned, Australia will have to find a place to securely store the submarines’ nuclear reactors, containing weapons-grade uranium.

Australia is now a permanent base for UK and US nuclear submarines patrolling the Indian Ocean, using the HMAS Sterling base near Perth, for docking and maintenance of the submarines.

Given that the lifespan of the S9G nuclear reactors on the Virginia Class submarines is approximately 33 years, and the submarines projected to be stationed in Australia from 2027 will be between 3 – 23 years old, decommissioning in Australia could occur as early as 2037.

It appears that Chandler is being built with an eye to accommodating intermediate and high-level AUKUS nuclear waste, despite the fact that it is billed as a facility for naturally occurring radioactive material only.

No approval, no problem

Tellus’s Chandler Project does not currently have environmental approval to store nuclear waste of any kind. In order to accept such waste at its Chandler Facility, Tellus would have to seek amendments to its existing environmental impact assessment, or apply for a new one.

In addition to this, the company would need to pursue a new Indigenous Land Use Agreement with native title holders.

Tellus would also have to seek changes to or exemptions from the NT Nuclear Waste Transport, Storage and Disposal (Prohibition) Act 2004, which prohibits the disposal of waste containing radioactive material derived from the operation or decommissioning of a nuclear plant (including a nuclear reactor), from nuclear weapons activities, or from the conditioning or reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel.

The Central Land Council’s submission regarding Tellus’s environmental impact assessment for the Chandler Project raised the possibility of the Chandler facility accepting higher categories of radioactive waste once it is built, citing a risk that “once a geological hazardous waste repository is in operation there could be significant political pressure to broaden the acceptance criteria policy”.

At the recent Northern Australia Contaminated Land and Groundwater conference in Darwin, an attendee reports, a Tellus representative told conference attendees:

“The geology at Chandler would make it possible to store higher level radioactive waste”.

In response to a question on whether the Chandler dump was intended to store nuclear waste from international sources, the Tellus representative confirmed that it indeed was, and made it clear that Tellus was seeking to have government regulations modified to broaden waste acceptance criteria:

“We do feel that as good global citizens we should be helping to – if we’ve got the geology to offer a safe space, and a controlled, regulated environment for that waste – then we should play in that space.

“And absolutely, there is a huge commercial opportunity, particularly for the Northern Territory, if we were to do that. So a huge benefit in doing that, and we do have that guarantee of having a safe space.

“But we need the regulators, the public, and the politicians to agree to that. Just watch that space..”

Waste from expanding militarisation

Northern Australia is currently subject to a huge expansion in US military presence. For the fiscal year 2024/2025, northern Australia is “the top overseas location for U.S. Air Force and Navy construction spending, with more than $300 million set aside under the U.S. congressional defence authorisations for those years”, Reuters reports.

Over the next decade, the Australian government will spend $30 billion on “hardening and upgrading” northern military bases,“partly to meet US requirements and partly paid for by the United States”. This expanded presence will be accompanied by an expanded military waste footprint.

The Tindal Air Base, located just outside of Katherine, is currently undergoing a major upgrade that will include squadron operations facilities and maintenance infrastructure. The upgrade will allow for the permanent stationing of six US B-52 nuclear-capable bombers. B-52s, the last of which was manufactured 64 years ago, are notorious for requiring regular extensive maintenance that produces significant amounts of hazardous waste.

Maintenance of B-52s stationed at the Barksdale Air Force Base in the US, for example, produced “thousands of tons of powder, with dangerous trace metals and chemicals, from sandblasting and cleaning aircraft”, including chromium, arsenic, lead and cadmium.

This waste from the Barksdale Air Force Base provoked a significant scandal in the US that put the topic of outsourced hazardous waste management on US military bases in the public spotlight. Experts say that the US Department of Defence incentivised “shortcuts and outsourcing” in order to “preserve the Pentagon’s primary military mission”.

In making its pitch to the Australian Department of Defence for taking low-level nuclear waste from AUKUS submarines, Tellus played on the same instinct: “Government resources would be free [to] focus on mission critical challenges of AUKUS that do not yet have a solution”.

Encouraging the government not to provide oversight of hazardous waste management from military sources has proven to be highly problematic. An investigation into the US military’s use of contractors for hazardous waste disposal found that “in outsourcing this work, the military has often struggled to provide adequate oversight to ensure that work is done competently — or is completed at all”.

As the urgent drumbeat of war intensifies and the Department of Defence becomes increasingly preoccupied with “mission critical challenges”, so too do the risks from military waste clean-up work.

Tellus Holdings emphatically claims to have “solved” the inherent dangers associated with nuclear waste storage. However the flawed safety record of its contractor on the Chandler nuclear waste dump, Amentum, underscores the enduring threat of radioactive waste disposal, and the lack of transparency surrounding nuclear waste management on this continent.

With the Southern Arrernte community of Titjikala just 15 kms from the proposed Chandler nuclear waste site, any mistakes such as those that have already occurred with US military nuclear waste would be catastrophic for them, especially if ‘slippage’ occurs in terms of the kind of waste the facility accepts.

U.S. MILITARY CONTRACTOR BACKING AUSTRALIAN NUCLEAR WASTE DUMP

A DECLASSIFIED AUSTRALIA SPECIAL INVESTIGATION

In Alice Springs, Central Arrernte Country, the giant American military contractor, Amentum Holdings, is responsible for the day-to-day running of facilities for the secretive US-Australian Pine Gap satellite surveillance base. Now it’s involved in developing a proposed nuclear waste dump in Central Australia.

Declassified Australia can reveal that Amentum’s Alice Springs-based workforce of 400 people provides a myriad of support services to keep the ever-expanding base functioning, including infrastructure management, facilities operations, and maintenance services.

The proposal for the low-level nuclear waste dump comes as the federal government is seeking ways to manage and ultimately dispose of high-level nuclear waste from nuclear reactors in the proposed AUKUS submarines, as well as from other defence-related nuclear and hazardous waste, including visiting US and UK nuclear-powered submarines and warships.

As Declassified Australia exclusively reports, despite Amentum having a problematic record of nuclear waste management overseas, it is now involved in the nuclear waste disposal business in Australia.

Proposed Chandler Waste Facility

Massive US military contractor Amentum Holdings has been contracted to advise Australian hazardous waste company, Tellus Holdings, on the Chandler nuclear waste dump in Central Australia.

Tellus’s Chandler nuclear waste dump is proposed to be constructed within a salt formation on Southern Arrernte country 15 kms from the Aboriginal community of Titjikala and 120 kms south of Alice Springs.

The planned international nuclear waste dump depicted here – along with a seperate 200 bed accommodation precinct, an airport, and upgraded roads – is to be located near the Aboriginal community of Titjikala, among the red sand dunes of the Simpson Desert, near the world famous Chambers Pillar and the ancient Finke River, 120 kms south of Alice Springs in Central Australia. (Image: Tellus Holdings)

The Northern Territory Environmental Protection Authority’s assessment report for the Chandler dump describes the project components as including construction of an underground salt mine at a depth of up to 860 metres, permanent hazardous waste disposal vaults within mined-out salt caverns, temporary above-ground storage facilities for hazardous waste, and associated infrastructure like haul roads, access roads, and salt stockpiles.

In August 2024, Tellus announced that the company had contracted Amentum to conduct a Strategic Review of the project to assess timelines, feasibility, and potential international waste streams to be disposed of at the facility.

Sydney-based Tellus Holdings was founded in 2009 and describes its mission as “providing advance[d] end-to-end solutions for managing the world’s most challenging hazardous materials”. The company operates Australia’s first geological repository for low-level nuclear waste at Sandy Ridge, 240 kilometres northwest of Kalgoorlie, which started in 2021.

When Tellus’ American-born CEO Nate Smith, a former attorney at powerful Wall Street law firm Sullivan & Cromwell, was interviewed on ABC Radio last August, he cited the proximity of Amentum’s workforce based in Alice Springs as a strong reason for selecting Amentum to carry out the strategic review of the proposed nuclear waste dump.

Declassified Australia can exclusively reveal that at an NT Defence Week presentation held in Alice Springs in May 2024, an Amentum speaker stated that the company is contracted directly by the US government, and “employs roughly 400 people” providing services to the Pine Gap base.

According to an attendee at the event, the speaker said Amentum provides the operation services and maintenance of facilities, utilities management, renovation, security, environmental health and safety, catering, and housing services.

The company regularly posts ads for the employment of new contractors to provide services like cleaning, gardening and even swimming pool repair. On some days, the speaker said, there have been as many as 200 contractors for Amentum working on site at the spy base, 15 km south of Alice Springs.

Happy days are here for Amentum Vice President Paul Pointon shaking hands with Tellus Chief Operating Officer Steve Hosking at a meeting in London in August 2024 to “deepen our partnership” and kick off the Strategic Review of the Chandler nuclear waste dump. Others from left to right, Amentum Senior Technical Advisor Dr Richard Cummings, Tellus Technical Director Radiation Safety & Project Assessments Dr Bill Miller, and Amentum Project Director Waste and Head of Consultancy David Rossiter. (Photo: Tellus Holdings)

Amentum and the US military

Amentum Holdings, based in Virginia, USA, is one of the US’s largest military contractors. The company employs 53,000 people across 80 countries, and provides services as diverse as chemical and biological weapons decommissioning, US army helicopter training, to running the Nevada Bombing Range and the Kennedy Space Centre.

As well as supporting the US’s most important satellite surveillance base outside the USA at Pine Gap, Amentum also works extensively in managing and maintaining US military facilities, primarily in West Asia and sub-Saharan Africa.

The company operates in Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates, where it provides operations and maintenance services on US military installations.

In Iraq, it manages and maintains US air force bases; and has previously operated in Afghanistan, where it maintained helicopters for the Afghan Air Force, and serviced airfields and trained Afghani police, until US forces evacuated the country.

In Somalia, Amentum is assisting in the construction of six new military bases, while in Ethiopia it is working to “enhance biosafety and biosecurity” at a vaccine lab and training facility.

Amentum is also involved more directly in training armed militias and military forces. In western Africa, the company operates in Benin, where it trains the country’s armed forces for ‘counter-terrorism’ operations.

However, Amentum’s activities have been subject to controversy, even by the standards of a global military contractor.

Amentum is providing training to three of Libya’s armed groups as part of attempts to unify major armed factions in Tripoli to ‘counter Russian influence’ within the country and across the African continent.

The company is currently defending a case before a US court on charges of human trafficking in Kuwait, through its predecessor companies AECOM and DynCorp. The companies allegedly participated in abusive practices against 29 interpreters working under US Army contracts during the US-led invasion of Iraq, “Operation Iraqi Freedom”. The abusive practices included forced labour under threat of deportation and arrest.

Amentum’s nuclear activities

In addition to its military contracts, Amentum has been working to support the development of nuclear reactors and facilities across a number of countries.

In the UK, Amentum has recently been selected as project manager for the proposed Sizewell C nuclear power plant on the Suffolk coast.

In South Africa, the company is working on extending the life of the country’s only nuclear reactor by 20 years. In the Netherlands, Amentum has been commissioned to undertake technical feasibility studies for two proposed new nuclear reactors.

It is on the American continent that Amentum’s reputation for managing nuclear facilities has suffered serious blows.

In 2012, Amentum formed the Nuclear Waste Partnership (NWP), a limited liability company, with BWX Technologies in order to bid on a US Department of Energy contract to operate and manage a US nuclear weapons waste disposal facility in the state of New Mexico, known as the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP).

A truckload of nuclear waste arrives at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) site shortly before the 2014 underground fire and the radiological leak and contamination incident. (Photo: US Department of Energy)

Amentum’s experience managing the WIPP nuclear weapons waste disposal facility is cited as one of the reasons Tellus selected Amentum as its partner to carry out the strategic review of the planned Chandler project.

However, Declassified Australia can report that over a 10-year period from 2012 to 2022, during which Amentum managed the WIPP facility, multiple highly hazardous incidents occurred.

The incidents, described by an expert on the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant as a “horrific comedy of errors”, transformed a facility once regarded as “the flagship of the [US] Energy Department” into an object of serious concern.

Amidst allegations of “gross mismanagement”, the dangerous incidents at the WIPP facility cost US taxpayers at least US$2 billion, and caused a three-year closure of the nuclear waste plant while redesign, repair, and remediation efforts were undertaken.

Nuclear weapons waste disposal

The Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) in south-eastern New Mexico is, like Tellus’ proposed Chandler Project in Central Australia, located within a salt formation. Salt formations are generally considered ideal for the storage of nuclear waste because of their geological stability, capacity to dissipate heat generated by waste, low permeability to water and gasses, and self-sealing properties.

The WIPP site is massive. Its underground footprint currently includes ten excavated ‘panels’, each consisting of seven rooms, totalling 100 acres. An eleventh panel is under construction, and the US Department of Energy intends to expand the site to eventually consist of nineteen panels.

The facility has received more than 14,000 shipments of military nuclear waste since becoming operational in 1999. Its 800-strong workforce transfers transuranic waste received in drums to storage rooms 655 metres underground for permanent disposal.

The WIPP facility exclusively receives waste from the US’s nuclear weapons program, including tonnes of excess plutonium. Waste originating from 22 Department of Energy facilities, including the infamous Los Alamos National Laboratory (birthplace of the atomic bomb) is transferred to the WIPP facility for long-term storage.

There are proposals for the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant to take waste now classified as “high-level” once that waste has been ‘reclassified’ as transuranic (non-uranium) waste. This would pave the way for its storage at WIPP.

“Reclassification of nuclear waste could make disposal simpler and cheaper” is the breezy conclusion of one such proposal written by the editorial staff of Nature journal.

The site is legislated to receive 175,564 cubic metres of waste, and as of 2021, had reached 56.7% of its capacity.

Originally slated to begin closure in 2024, expansion plans and permit modifications have led nuclear watchdog groups to warn that what was only intended as a pilot plant is morphing into “Forever WIPP”.

The US Department of Energy itself now admits that “final facility closure could begin no earlier than 2083”.

Faulty design and handling at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant

On February 5, 2014, less than 18 months into the Nuclear Waste Partnership’s management of the WIPP site, a truck caught fire within the facility, and six workers were hospitalised with smoke inhalation.

A subcontractor under the Nuclear Waste Partnership subsequently sued the company for “gross mismanagement of a major construction contract” involving reconstruction of an underground air-monitoring system that failed during the truck fire.

The subcontractor alleged that the Nuclear Waste Partnership (NWP), run by Amentum and BWX Technologies, “was such a disorganized project manager that it caused repeated delays and cost overruns, resulting in multiple breaches of contract”.

The US Department of Energy’s Office of Environmental Management investigated the fire and the radiological release of airborne radiation to develop a plan for recovery, stabilisation, clean-up, and temporary closure at Amentum’s WIPP facility in New Mexico, USA. (Photos: US Department of Energy)

The subcontractor claimed that NWP “used faulty designs that caused chronic problems and forced crews to redo large and expensive parts of the project”.

The faulty problems cited by the subcontractor included “a flawed design in hollow-roof panels requir[ing] an extensive redesign that dragged on for almost a year and at times forced work to shut down in other areas”.

Further, “[t]he building’s foundation had to be redesigned, requiring crews to move underground pipes they had already installed; and [a] defective design plagu[ed] the building’s control system”.

Less than a fortnight after the truck fire, on the 14th of February 2014, a barrel containing americium, plutonium, nitrate salts and organic kitty litter ruptured at the facility.

The rupture quickly spread contaminants “through about one-third of the underground caverns and tunnels, up the exhaust shaft, and into the outside environment”, exposing 22 workers at the WIPP facility to low levels of radioactive contamination.

Following the incident, the site was shuttered for three years. Clean-up efforts cost US$640 million, and a further US$600 million in operational costs were accrued during the years 2014-2017 while the site was being remediated and not accepting new waste.

In addition, the US Federal Government paid US$74 million to New Mexico to settle permit violations involving the radiation release and the truck fire two weeks earlier.

Once costs associated with temporarily storing the nuclear waste that had been destined for WIPP are taken into account (“hotel costs”, including the weekly inspection of more than 24,000 barrels of nuclear waste for leaks), the long-term cost of the incidents to US taxpayers is likely in excess of US$2 billion.

Huge blocks of salt rock fell from the ceiling and ripped through a metal retaining cage in a ceiling collapse in an access corridor underground in the WIPP nuclear waste facility, managed by Amentum. A WIPP spokesperson told the Santa Fe-New Mexican news site in October 2016 that the collapse, the second in a week, had been caused by natural ‘salt creep’, when the salt “naturally and continuously closes in on open spaces”. (Photo: US Department of Energy)

The WIPP site finally reopened in 2017 after three years of remediation efforts. The installation of a new ventilation system to replace the previous one contaminated in the incident of February 14, 2014 cost an additional $486 million USD, and was only completed in March 2025.

A safety analysis conducted prior to the WIPP facility becoming operational reassured regulators that the likely frequency of accidents involving the release of radioactive material at the facility would be once every 200,000 years.

However the two serious incidents of February 2014, resulting in a three year closure of the WIPP facility, occurred just 15 years into the site’s operation.

The US Department of Energy faced years of pressure from nuclear watchdog groups to end the Amentum and BWX partnership responsible for running the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant from 2012.

The Department finally decided not to renew Amentum and BWX partnership’s decade-long contract managing the WIPP nuclear weapons waste disposal facility. They exited in 2022.

The proposed Australian project

Back in Central Australia, Amentum’s strategic review of the Chandler Project is due to be completed imminently.

Neither Tellus nor Amentum responded to a series of questions put to them about aspects of the nuclear waste dump project.

With Tellus eager to push on, the massive international nuclear waste dump proposed for Southern Arrernte country 120 kilometres south of Alice Springs could commence as early as 2028.

PINE GAP IS A PLACE OF AGGRESSION

On December 1, 2023, two months into Israel’s escalating genocide in Palestine, Colombian president Gustavo Petro linked the unwillingness of wealthy global North countries to deal with capital-induced climate change to the management of global South populations deemed disposable because they were forced to migrate as a consequence of that unwillingness. Speaking at the UN climate conference, Petro warned that what is happening in Gaza is a blueprint for fascism globally in dealing with surplus populations: 

I invite all of you to imagine a combination of facts — the projection of the climate crisis in five or ten years and the current genocide of the Palestinian people. Are these facts disconnected? Or can we look at Gaza as a mirror of the immediate future? The unleashing of genocide and barbarism on the Palestinian people is what awaits the exodus of the peoples of the South unleashed by the climate crisis.

What we are seeing in Gaza is a rehearsal of the future.

That future is already here. Researcher of settler colonial technologies of repression, Alex Avina, perhaps describes the present monstrous state of affairs even more aptly. Avina writes: 

We live in an era of global disposability; that is, in an era marked by the power and ability of states to mark entire communities and peoples as disposable surplus populations. We watch in real time as Israel commits genocide in Gaza. We watch weaponised land and seascapes along with border police and border technologies like “smart” fences and drones killing migrants by the thousands. We watch how economic sanctions starve entire countries. 

Climate change, imperial wars, and the US fondness for collective punishment in the form of sanctions continue to generate more and more mass refugee displacement. Global north nations have responded by betting on more Apartheid walls, more border police, more surveillance, more genocide. A rather stark, uncomplicated choice thus emerges: do we side with the wall-builders and their Apartheid counterinsurgent technology that kills refugees in places like the Sonoran desert or the Mediterranean sea, or those who yearn to storm and smash walls with their dreams of a more just, free future for all?

We’re gathered here today at Kuyunba, about 500 metres away from the gates to the Pine Gap targeting facility. I say targeting facility and not spy base, because National Security Agency (NSA) documents and the Edward Snowden leaks prove that Pine Gap provides targeting data for US drone and missile strikes in places such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Gaza, Yemen and Somalia, to name just a few. Pine Gap is a place of aggression, a place of counterinsurgency. Pine Gap is a place where people are made disposable in the most literal sense. Pine Gap is integral to the global US war machine. As a former US National Security Agency employee put it, drones are “like the tip of the spear but the rest of the spear is actually the global communications surveillance system” of which Pine Gap is one of the most important parts. 

“The repressors”, says Alex Avina, “the torturers, the killers, exchange knowledge, weapons and technology between themselves. They circulate best practices on how to manage, render disposable, and dispose of entire populations. It’s a lucrative business”. Some of these killers work here. It’s not a secret, we can name them – Raytheon, Boeing, Northrop Grumman and General Dynamics, IBM and Hewlett-Packard, Amentum. They all work out of this facility. 

We have committed to gathering here fortnightly to resist the violence of this installation and demand its closure. We resist the colonial violence of its imposition on Central Arrernte country. We resist the militarised and racialised surveillance in the Northern Territory, the incarceration of Indigenous youths across this continent, and the narrative warfare in our mainstream media and political offices against First Nations people that combined reproduce the conditions of colonial dominion that enable US military installations to be sited on this continent. It goes without saying that no permission was sought from traditional custodians, nor was permission granted, for the alienation of this land and the construction of a military base on it. 

We gather to resist the imperial violence that this base perpetrates abroad. In the 59 years that Pine Gap has occupied Arrernte country, the US has violently intervened in at least 80 countries. The base has provided targeting information and signals intelligence, facilitating illegal military aggressions from Vietnam and Cambodia to Yemen and Iran. There are no less than seven intelligence-sharing agreements between the US National Security Agency, which operates out of Pine Gap, and the Israeli Signals Directorate. Pine Gap provides intelligence to the Israeli military, which is committing the holocaust of our times in Gaza.

We gather to resist the US and Australian military build-up across northern Australia. For the fiscal year 2024/2025, northern Australia is “the top overseas location for U.S. Air Force and Navy construction spending, with more than $300 million set aside under the U.S. congressional defence authorisations for those years”, Reuters reports. Over the next decade, the Australian government will spend $30 billion on “hardening and upgrading” northern military bases, “partly to meet US requirements and partly paid for by the United States”. 

As we are gathered here today to struggle against militarism, colonialism and imperialism, the Talisman Sabre war games – a giant exercise in sabre-rattling – are taking place across northern Australia, Christmas Island, and Papua New Guinea. The games involve over 20,000 US troops and 10,000 Australian troops and have been described as “the most expansive and complex warfighting exercise ever conducted in Australia”. They pose a serious threat to the environmentally sensitive areas where they are taking place. The climate footprint of the exercises is likely to be enormous. There are at least 20 major warships transported to Australia for the war games, and dozens of military cargo aircraft deployed. The US military, the biggest player in these war games, is the largest institutional emitter of greenhouse gases on Earth and one of the world’s biggest industrial polluters.  

These war games are a significant health risk to nearby communities, many of which are Indigenous. A 2020 study of military training exercises in Puerto Rico found that “the sudden end of bombing practices is associated with a 56–79% decrease in the incidence of congenital anomalies of nearby populations”. 

One area where these war games are taking place is the Bradshaw field, in the Kimberlies, just outside of the majority-Indigenous community of Timber Creek. The Bradshaw Field occupies 871,000ha of rainforest, woodlands and grass plains on the lands of the Ngaliwurru, Jaminjung, and Nungali peoples. 

The story of the Bradshaw field shows how colonialism on this continent enables imperialism abroad. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute likes to boast that the “wide open space” of the Bradshaw field, one of the biggest military training areas in the world, is a key means of servicing Australia’s military alliance with the US and other so-called regional allies. The reinscription of northern Australia as a “terra nullius” available for violent and extractive uses is a precondition for these multi-national military exercises. 

The field was recently upgraded with “significant US investment” to enable training exercises like the Talisman Sabre war games, making it something of a hybrid training field and potential military base in the event of war fighting. 

Just last week we learnt that on at least two occasions this year, F-35 fighter jet parts have been sent from the RAAF base Tindal, just outside of Katherine, to Tel Aviv, Israel, to meet parts shortages there and allow Israeli F-35 jets to continue to carry out their sociopathic bombing campaigns on Gaza, southern Lebanon, Yemen, and Syria, to name just the places the Israeli military is currently bombing. 

Lockheed Martin’s F-35 fighter jet features heavily in UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s most recent report on corporate actors profiting from the genocide in Palestine.  

“Post-October 2023, F-35s have been integral to equipping Israel with the unprecedented aerial power to drop an estimated 85,000 tons of bombs, much of it unguided, to kill and injure more than 179,411 Palestinians and obliterate Gaza”, – she writes. Apartment blocks, hospitals, universities, schools, bread lines, mosques and churches. 

The news of the F-35 components transported from Tindal to Tel Aviv ought to put to an end the Australian government’s shameful efforts to mislead us all and deny that it is transporting weapons to Israel. The Australian government should’ve ended its two-way weapons trade with Israel long ago. The Australian government should’ve ended intelligence-sharing from this facility long ago. The Australian government should’ve implemented an energy embargo long ago. The Australian government should’ve sanctioned Israel long ago. 

Across the globe, people are rising up against the genocide of Palestinians, against fascist governments and against militarism. As we gather here, anti-genocide and anti-war Palestine solidarity activists are gathered in Canberra for the first of a three-day event marking the opening of the 48th Australian parliament. They are gathered to demand that the Australian government end the two-way arms trade with Israel, end intelligence-sharing from this facility, end coal shipments to Israel, and sanction Israel now. We stand in solidarity, love and rage with them. To borrow the words of Taylor Miller – if Australian governments are so set on investing in war, in genocide, then our foremost task is to upend the reality that makes this horror permissible, and we must lock arms not only while envisioning an end to this genocidal economy—but across this desert, against these walls; towards liberation and return.

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